Tuesday, December 18, 2012

Dear Steve Biko


Thank you.


Thank you for dedicating your life, short as it was, to standing firm for what you believed in. Because of you, I’m proud to be a smart black woman. Because of you, I don’t have issues with being a “clever” black.

I understand the power of knowledge and continue to learn. The world has changed tremendously since you were of this world but the problems are not that different. But I understand that the change starts with me. Because I claim to know better, I need to do better.

I was introduced to your works and your story by my mother, a product of Black Consciousness. I’m fully aware of my blackness and the power it holds.
Although the focus of the world is how you would not be pleased with the current state of affairs, many miss that there are many black youth and adults who are living your teachings.

Through reading, writing and teaching – they too understand their power. The fight continues. You promoted mental emancipation. Hence today I question everything and don’t just accept things just because everybody thinks it is ‘fine’.
I believe that when you said black people must move away from thinking they are inferior you meant we should have a “can do” attitude to life. And that is precisely what my mother enforced in me through your teachings.

I’m not inferior because of my gender or my race. In fact I am powerful because I hold them dear to my heart.
Your spirit lives on. I’m optimistic about the black condition. We are less than 20 years into the democracy – mistakes are being made but we will rise from the current state of affairs.

Thank you again for your teachings. Today as I write this: I am alive and proud.

By: Tokiso Molefe

Genocide of Hope


By Thami Prusent




My stolen love drips from ink-stained fingers
with which I crossed my heart and hoped to die
My swindled love bleeds torn like birth tissue
nourishing the roots where x marks the spot of smoke-screened smiles
and forgotten declarations
My menstrual love leaks of mangled hope and forcibly taken innocence
My severed love gushes to the beat of stomping heads, kissing batons
and rubber bullets
My plundered love reeks of fits of promises served with a sprinkling of teargas
and reshuffling of posts
My bleeding heart died on the concrete bed of El Tahrir
South bound and seething
the smoke of my discontent smoulders in hunger
of hollow-eyed babies and half-lived lives
Poisoned in love, my dream deferred in opulence and blood
A genocide of hope
where I don’t like what I write
My people angry and weeping
as my bleeding heart died in the platinum belt of Marikana

The Steve Biko Centre: A Living Memorial


by Alicia M. Sanabria

The much anticipated day was before me and I felt honored to be part of the official opening of the Steve Biko Centre in the Ginsberg township of King William’s Town in the East Cape of South Africa. My colleague Michel Chagas and I were invited guests of the Steve Biko Foundation and the South African department of Arts and Culture. We were representing the Steve Biko Cultural Institute in Salvador, Bahia in northeast Brazil. Upon arrival to East London we met the other international guests of the Steve Biko Foundation which included Mireille Fanon and Omar Benderra of the Frantz Fanon Foundation and Alison Navarra and Tracey Gore of the Steve Biko Housing Association Liverpool. Later in the day Ivy and Alex Amponsah of Ghana/United States completed our international delegation. This group of Pan-Africanist human rights activist would forge a strong bond over the five days that we spent together.
The Steve Biko Foundation and the Steve Biko Cultural Institute have been actively collaborating on lectures, exchanges, and articles in this millennium. Black rights and consciousness activists in Brazil, as in other parts of global Africa (Africa and the African Diaspora) had protested and fought for the end of human rights violations under the apartheid regime of South Africa. Independent of language differences, there is an affinity and proximity socio-culturally, economically, historically and politically between Blacks in South Africa and Brazil. There is the common history of the marginalization and oppression of the Black majority.



A growing number in the Black population of both countries have overcome and triumphed in attaining education and preparation to provide leadership nationally and internationally for socio-cultural and economic development and empowerment of global Africans. Therefore, November 30, 2012 the official opening of the Steve Biko Centre was a day of triumph and celebration not only for Bantu Steve Biko’s family, friends and extended community but for all global Africans as well as non-Black worldwide supporters of South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle, victory and present day restructuring and redefinition.

The Steve Biko Centre Official Opening Weekend encompassed three rich and full days and nights of political, cultural and spiritual programming. In the South African tradition of generously hosting and caring for guests there were outstanding meals and attention bestowed to the local, regional, national and international guests.
I am part of the Ilê Asipá egun (ancestral spirits) society in Salvador, Bahia and was happy to be present at the Steve Biko graveside in the Garden of Remembrance. The spirit of Bantu Steve Biko was first to be visited and reverenced. The voices of the Zwelitsha Adult Choir sang by the graveside accompanied by heavy winds and rains. Steve Biko’s family: Mrs. Biko, Nobandile Biko, his children (represented by Nkosinathi Biko), Dr. Mamphela Ramphela, Steve Biko Foundation board members, President Zuma and other government representatives paid tribute to his spirit by placing wreaths on his grave.

After the Garden of Remembrance graveside homage to Bantu Steve Biko the family and guests went to the Biko home for the customary washing of the hands. The ritual entailed washing ones hands outside the house after visiting the grave of a departed loved one. There I met Mrs. Biko who immediately expressed her interest in visiting the Steve Biko Cultural Institute in Salvador, Bahia. We await her visit with open arms and hearts.

President Zuma also visited the Biko house. The guests were then taken to the outside space of the Steve Biko Centre to partake in the commemorative cultural manifestations and listen to various homages to Steve Biko by the opening panel members including the keynote address by President Zuma. The ribbon cutting of the Steve Biko Centre was performed by President Zuma. We were then able to walk through the museum that documents Bantu Steve Biko’s life and work and also gives homage to other Pan-African black rights defenders and African liberation leaders including Kwame Nkrumah, Amilcar Cabral, Frantz Fanon, and Malcolm X to name a few.

The afternoon was filled with numerous activities including tours of the Centre, book readings, theatre and musical performances; documentary screenings and the filming of social history interviews for the Steve Biko Centre archives. I took the time to meet and dialogue with some of the immediate neighbours of the Steve Biko Centre and others that had known Steve Biko. These proved to be among the most valuable of moments during my stay. I had been in South Africa in 2011 for an African Union meeting and since then had been pondering over present day South Africa color and class dynamics. I was touched by the warmth and kindness of the South Africans and the spirit of purpose, victory and patience with the development of Nelson Mandela’s proposed rainbow nation and Steve Biko’s quest for a true humanity where all citizens would be guaranteed their human rights. Yet, it was perceivable that the patience and wait could not and would not go on forever. Black South Africans want change and continue to want to be protagonists in their self-determination and equitable distribution of lands and wealth.

Throughout the three day official Opening Weekend, I was able to interact with members of the Steve Biko Foundation board of directors which expressed interest in the work of the Steve Biko Cultural Institute in Brazil and the hope to visit us soon. In the true African spirit there were numerous meals to partake in, music, dialogue and laughter. Ideas were exchanged, links were forged and the commitment to Black Consciousness and human rights activism were renewed.

An outstanding moment in the Day two program was the Steve Biko and Black Consciousness panel featuring the international activists from the Frantz Fanon Foundation, the Steve Biko Cultural Institute, and the Steve Biko Housing Association. Each spoke of the work with and on behave of blacks in their country and challenges faced in continuing the work. The audience actively participated in a lively question and answer session highlighting housing, education and the need for further elaboration of exchanges among the organisations.

During the morning of the third day I was able to re-visit the museum and I spent hours reading and re-reading each panel and watching the videos of Steve Biko speeches and funeral. It was a time of reflection for me. Since I was a child the anti-apartheid struggles of South Africa had marked my being and had set my course to be a Pan-African human rights activists that would take me to numerous global African communities to learn and to teach; to align in solutions to our common challenges; and to think, create and act on ways of linking global Africans knowing that united across national borders, languages and ethnicities we are much stronger than addressing our challenges individually.

I had come to the opening event representing the Steve Biko Cultural Institute, that is full of vigor after celebrating 20 years of existence in July of this year, with a very specific agenda to address and solidify long term bi-lateral socio-cultural and educational exchanges between the Steve Biko Foundation and the Steve Biko Cultural Institute. There was also the issue of the Steve Biko Cultural Institute and a Brazilian publisher wanting to release a new Portuguese language version of Steve Biko’s book “I Write What I Like”. Now I see that there is a need for a think tank meeting that would also include the Steve Biko Housing Association in a triangular exchange of ideas, culture and knowledge that would empower our respective local and national settings.

It has been such a blessing to be a part of the commitment of empowering blacks over the years. It is evident that all the progress and change that has occurred for global Africans is due to the vision, perseverance and sacrifices of the ancestors. On December 18, 2012, I praise Bantu Stephen Biko and am happy that the greatest tribute that is possible to him has been erected. The Steve Biko Centre is a living and breathing memorial to a man, Bantu Stephen Biko that was raised by his community and in turn raised and changed his community, his country and the world. The Centre is a space that will prepare future black South African leaders that will keep Steve Biko's legacy alive locally, nationally and globally.

What Biko Means to Me, Today

By: Nompumelelo Zinhle Manzini

Steve Biko often said: “black is beautiful” and in our day I still believe that black is indeed beautiful. Not only is black is the colour of coal in which diamonds where formed but, black is the colour of power and class. The colour of the original ink!
Throughout the 1970s Biko urged for man to be happy with whom they are and to further look at ourselves as human beings rather than objects of the earth. For me his philosophy is not an object of the past but rather an object of the day. Even though the geographic context may differ, the contextual concept is still relevant to our contemporary society that we reside in today. People often claim that Steve Biko’s philosophy is no longer for our times, however I greatly beg to differ. As Black people or “Africans” (to those who prefer to sound politically correct) we still feel inferior in our own skins. We tend to try so hard to look “western” with all the make-up, weaves, eyelashes and not forgetting the artificial nails. Even though these may help enhance ones beauty, I greatly feel that we do not need all these artificial things to make us feel beautiful in their own skin. In order for you to be beautiful, you need to first accept yourself in your own skin and be happy with who you are. Furthermore as Steve Biko, Marcus Garvey and Bob Marley said, we need to be conscious of who we are, and be aware of our surroundings, liberate one’s mind and always empower oneself in order to empower those around you as well!

This is the message that needs to be sent to our fellow brothers and sisters that we share this beautiful country with. Not only that but we also need to start living “self-consciousness” instead of merely acknowledging the great things that were done and said by people like Steve Biko. When I look at the streets today I see black people who argue that racism still exists, yet they are the first to cast stones to the Ethiopians and Somalians that rent out our garages in order to open small stores. These people may be of a different nationality, however they are still a part of you as much as you are a part of them. We are all Africans and need to stop discriminating against one another. The aforementioned serves as another model why Biko is still relevant to today’s society.

Biko’s philosophy is one that I feel that is never-ending and remains with us. Thus in order to honour him on his birthday, let us revisit what he left for us. Let us read all his writings such as I Write What I Like. Not only that but we should also start thinking in a more liberated manner and stop repressing other people!

Wednesday, December 12, 2012

FAQ's on Bantu Stephen Biko

1. What could have motivated Steve Biko's involvement in the Black Consciousness Movement?


In 1963, at the age of 15 years Steve Biko was admitted to Lovedale College, a missionary institution at which his older brother Khaya had enrolled a year earlier. Later that year, the two brothers along with 50 other learners were arrested on the suspicion that they were supporters of the outlawed Pan African Congress (PAC) aligned Poqo. Steve was interrogated by the police and despite the lack of evidence that he had any political inclinations, he was subsequently expelled and black listed from all government schools. Khaya was imprisoned for being a member of the banned PAC. Thus began Steve Biko’s resentment for authority and, according to Khaya, “the great giant was awakened”. By Steve Biko’s admission, when he was called as a witness for defence in 1976 at the trial of his colleagues in the Black Consciousness Movement, “from that moment on, I hated authority like hell!”

The 1963 incident had a truly profound influence on Biko’s political outlook. He had spent considerable time after he was expelled from school delivering food and other supplies to his brother and his comrades in prison. The developments of 1963 were Steve’s baptism by fire that led to the messages from Khaya and others finding resonance on a hitherto carefree and politically indifferent Steve.

2. Which aspect of Steve Biko's legacy is relevant now more than ever?

By placing emphasis on the individual as well as the collective, Biko’s legacy is far reaching in highlighting the inextricable link between history and biography between the struggles of society and the role of the individual. Further, Biko died at the tender age of thirty. Almost as many years later, his legacy continues to stand the test of intellectual inquiry, as South Africa continues to define itself as a nation. Particularly because of his young age, the substantive qualities of Biko’s legacy speak to the responsibility facing youth as custodians of our democracy, perhaps more so than with any other of the founders of our democracy.

3. What type of personality, hopes and dreams did Steve Biko have while growing up?

"Bantu" in the iSintu languages that are spoken in Southern Africa means "people". As a personal name, "Bantu" means: "the one for the people". True to his African name, Biko was popular in the community playing rugby and other sports with boys his age. Academically, he performed well, earning places at Lovedale College, St Francis College and eventually the University of KwaZulu Natal. At the Black Section of the Medical School of the University of Natal, Biko enrolled to become a medical doctor, and although that dream was not fulfilled, as his friend and colleague Barney Pityana noted, “While he didn’t become a medical doctor, he became a doctor for the soul.”

Biography of the Week: Bantu Stephen Biko



Bantu Stephen Biko was born in Tilden on the 18th December 1946. In 1968, he and his colleagues founded the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) and Biko was elected its first President. SASO's primary engagement was to address the inferiority complex that was the mainstay of passiveness within the ranks of Black students. Biko’s political activities resulted in his banning in March of 1973. He was restricted to King Williams’ Town where he set up a Black Community Programmes (BCP) office and amongst other achievements built Zanempilo Clinic and the Ginsberg Crèche. He was arrested near Grahamstown on 18 August 1977. During torture at the Security Branch headquarters in the Sanlam building (Port Elizabeth) he sustained massive brain haemorrhage. On 11 September he was transported naked, without medical escort, to Pretoria – a twelve-hour journey - in the back of a police Land Rover. He died on the floor of an empty cell in the Central Prison on the 12 September and thus became officially the 46th victim of torture under the State Security Laws.


Monday, December 10, 2012

Call for Reflections: Contemporary Relevance of Steve Biko


As December 18 marks Biko's 66th birthday, the Steve Biko Foundation is calling for reflections for the 2012 celebration of the legacy of the South African freedom fighter, Steve Biko. The topic is The Contemporary Relevance of Steve Biko. Submissions may follow any theme of significance to the legacy of Steve Biko. Submitted contributions will be published on the Steve Biko Foundation’s website and Blog.

Contributions should be submitted to Ms. Dibuseng Kolisang at dibuseng@sbf.org.za by no later than Friday December 14, 2012.

For more information call Dibuseng on (011) 403 0310.

Wednesday, December 05, 2012

Biography of the Week: Frantz Fanon

The Algerian political theorist Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) analyzed the nature of racism and colonialism and developed a theory of violent anticolonialist struggle.


Frantz Fanon was born in the French colony of Martinique. He volunteered for the French army during World War II, and then, after being released from military service, he went to France, where he studied medicine and psychiatry from 1945 to 1950. In 1953 he was appointed head of the psychiatric department of a government hospital in Algeria, then a French territory. As a black man searching for his own identity in a white colonial culture, he experienced racism; as a psychiatrist, he studied the dynamics of racism and its effects on the individual.

In his first book, Black Skin, White Masks (1952), Fanon examined the social and psychological processes by which the white colonizers alienated the black natives from any indigenous black culture; he showed that blacks were made to feel inferior because of their color and thus strove to emulate white culture and society. Fanon hoped that the old myths of superiority would be abandoned so that a real equality and integration could be achieved.

Alienated from the dominant French culture, except for that represented by such radicals as the philosopher Jean Paul Sartre, Fanon deeply identified with Algeria's revolutionary struggle for independence. He had secretly aided the rebels from 1954 to 1956, when he resigned from the hospital post to openly work for the Algerian revolutionaries' National Liberation Front (FLN) in Tunis. He worked on the revolutionaries' newspaper, becoming one of the leading ideologists of the revolution, and developed a theory of anticolonial struggle in the "third world."

Using Marxist, psychoanalytic, and sociological analysis, Fanon summed up his views in The Wretched of the Earth (1961), arguing that only a thorough, truly socialist revolution carried out by the oppressed peasantry (the wretched of the earth) could bring justice to the colonized. He believed that the revolution could only be carried out by violent armed conflict; only revolutionary violence could completely break the psychological and physical shackles of a racist colonialism. Violence would regenerate and unite the population by a "collective catharsis;" out of this violence a new, humane man would arise and create a new culture. Through all this Fanon stressed the need to reject Europe and its culture and accomplish the revolution alone.

Fanon, the antiracist and revolutionary prophet, never saw the end result of the process he described: full independence of his adopted Algeria. In 1960 he served as ambassador to Ghana for the Algerian provisional government, but it was soon discovered that he had leukemia. After treatment in the Soviet Union, he went to the United States to seek further treatment but died there in 1961.


This Biography was retrieved from http://www.bookrags.com/biography/frantz-fanon/

Tuesday, December 04, 2012

Ubuntu is Alive and Well in South Africa

By Nompumelelo Zinhle Manzini

“Umuntu umuntu ngabuntu.” But to what extent?

Ubuntu is having humanity, the willingness to share all you have with the society at large. The African philosophy further narrates that “it takes a community to raise a child”. However in the modern society one can no longer trust family let alone the society at large. As a result of South Africa’s intricate past, the philosophy of Ubuntu moved with our forefathers from our dusty rural areas to our sub-urban concrete paths, also known as the ‘townships'. Due to the circumstances of those times (in the apartheid era) trust was built and the communities had unity, humanity and support. A child was raised by a community. People shared what they had because not only was it a humane act but it was also looking after one another, for everyone then shared the same struggle. Furthermore the act brought forth the notion of sharing success, in as much as the Christian doctrine states that the more you give, is the more your tree shall bear much fruit “what you sow, you reap”.

South Africa is a developing country; therefore we (citizens) have also had to develop. Even though, that development has meant that we adopt the liberal way of doing things, which to me seems somewhat Eurocentric. The process of our ‘development’ has led to the loss of some of our morals, values and culture. The worlds mission has been to create ones own name and fortune in an individual way, even if it may lead to being unethical and this is something that is evident in the headlines of our newspapers.

Since South Africa is such a diverse country, cultures have integrated and some blacks have evolved into living a more westernized lifestyle, which is characterized by living in isolation. Poverty rates have increased, people have forgotten one another and all these social issues are really encompassing and some have greatly led to crime. Some issues include a fellow black brother stealing and raping his own black brothers’ wealth and family. As citizens we further watch our fellow people go hungry in the streets of Hillbrow and even brush it away, or could not be apprehensive because it is not direct family. Surely that can’t be the spirit of Ubuntu?

Perhaps it is time that we as Africans reassess the definition of Ubuntu. Even so perhaps it is time that we are reminded as a society holistically what having Ubuntu is. All I have seen in my nineteen years of living is people talking about Ubuntu to the American tourists that come by. Yet in practice we are building higher walls within our homes, and we further do not even know our neighbours names anymore, let alone greet them. It is great and all that we as a country are moving forward, however that does not mean that we have to lose our culturally principles.

Going Back to Consciousness!

Biko, the Thorn, The Flame

By MATHATHA TSEDU – Daily Dispatch, 30 November 2012

THE policemen and their political masters who killed Bantu Biko in prison on September 12 1977 had at least two aims in mind. First, to remove the man who was a trouble-maker, a thorn and a "communist", who was threatening white supremacy with his black consciousness (BC) ideology. Second, to stem the tide of resistance through the subjugation of BC because the philosophy and ideology had created what was effectively the only resistance instrument operating above board in all spheres of life across the country. And it was towards the fulfilment of the latter that a month and seven days after killing Biko, they banned everything that had any connection to him.

They sat back and expected the black population to be cowed and relent and buy into the tribalisation of Africans which was the underpinning point of bantustans. It did not happen, because, as Peter Gabriel sings in his song, Biko, "You can blow out a candle, but you can't blow out a fire; once the flames begin to catch, the wind will blow it higher." Biko at 29 had started the flame and the wind of resistance was just blowing higher.

It was to turn into an avalanche of recruits for the ANC, PAC and later BCMA, in exile, thus rejuvenating what was in all seriousness a moribund armed struggle. The liberation of Mozambique two years before Biko was killed had added impetus to the hope of victory. And after Biko was laid to rest, it took Zimbabwe only three years to overthrow Ian Smith and his Rhodesia and the creation of a democratic Zimbabwe under Zanu. Zimbabwe's liberation was a "yes-wetoo-can" moment, energising South Africa. The energy of the youth, both in the training camps in Angola, Libya, Tanzania and Zambia, and inside South Africa through different youth formations, testified to the flame lit by Biko, who was himself a youth when he was killed, according to the age limit of political organisations, which is 35. But Biko was no ordinary youth.

The clarity of thought and the totality of commitment, judged against the youth leadership of today, is mind boggling. Whether it was politics or culture or rugby, he knew his stuff. His writing even today speaks to what T D Allman, an American journalist, calls getting not only the facts of today right, but "the meaning of events right. It [the writing] is compelling not only today, but stands the test of time. It is validated not only by reliable sources but by the unfolding of history." Indian writer Vandan Shiva speaks of "subjugated knowledge" that fights for space against "dominant knowledge". Biko was the epitome of both. His analysis of the black condition and what needed to be done then, over 30 years ago, stands even more relevant today as those in power behave as if 1994 and liberation still have to happen.

The need to shake off inferiority complexes amongst blacks that keep many of us in awe of whites, is a demand made for 2012 South Africa, as we see government officials loot state coffers, fail to deliver books to their own children, and use state resources to build resorts for their large families. Biko could have gone middle class but didn't. He could have cut a deal with Colonel Piet Goosen and his torture team, but didn't. Instead he fought for subjugated knowledge, the need for blacks to be called blacks and not what they were not, like "non-whites", despite the fact that in both media and official policy, "bantu" and "non-whites" were the dominant knowledge and usage.

And so, beaten to a pulp, dragged dying on a 1 600km ride in the back of a van with water as his only provision, he was to die in Pretoria prison, being given Panado to heal brain damage. His killers hoped they would stem the tide, that they would obliterate him from the face of the earth and our memories. How wrong! The opening of the Steve Biko Centre in his home township of Ginsberg outside King William's Town in the Eastern Cape today is a testament of the staying power of Biko. The stone, as Bob Marley sings, that had been rejected by the builder, has become the cornerstone of our rehabilitation as a people.

TODAY our country marks yet another milestone in its cultural renewal. The Steve Biko Centre, in Ginsberg , will be officially opened. Built to honour, celebrate and promote Biko's legacy, the centre is the second of its kind, after the Nelson Mandela Foundation. Its successful construction of the centre is remarkable in more than one way. For one, it underscores the multiplicity of actors and diversity of moments that propelled South Africa into liberation. Some within South Africa's liberation movements have felt their role in liberation politics has not been sufficiently recognised. Official attention and prominence, they lament, has been lavished more on events and individuals associated with the party-in-government.

The unveiling of the Biko Centre not only sets the record straight, but goes a long way in bridging the schism among the liberation movements. The construction of the centre has been funded largely by the Department of Arts and Culture, following a decision by cabinet that the centre must be adopted as a legacy project, alongside Robben Island and Freedom Park. Of course, much more still remains to be done. PAC founder Robert Mangaliso Sobukhwe, has not been memorialised in any telling manner. At another level, the centre is befitting of Biko's acute appreciation of the importance of memory and identity in the life of individuals and a nation. A sense of selfworth is critical for self-agency. People develop self-confidence that they can do whatever they set their minds to do.

Self-confidence, however, comes from knowing oneself. Apartheid ideologues knew this. Hence, they erased pre-colonial history and distorted the history of Africans during colonialism and apartheid. Biko was alert to this distortion. People's identity is formed by what they know of themselves. Thus Biko insisted that, rather than believe what the Bantu Education curriculum told them, black people had to independently study their own history. Recalling the heroic history and civilisations of pre-colonial Africa would disprove racist assertions that precolonial Africa was without any achievements prior to the arrival of settlers. Consequently, blacks would develop a positive self-image.

The student uprising in 1976 validated Biko. Black students refused to be taught in a language - Afrikaans - that sought to make them feel inferior, and demanded equal education instead. Once they believed they were worthy of equal treatment, black students could never tolerate oppression. Their actions reinvigorated the liberation struggle and some left the country to join liberation movements in exile. South Africa was never the same. The centre, therefore, is more than a memorialisation of Steven Bantu Biko. It is a monument to memory and identity. The centre will boast of, among other things, a museum and an archival centre, as well as a commemorative garden "honouring human rights activists". The centre will be connected to other heritage sites linked to Biko such as the Biko Statue, Zanempilo Clinic and Biko's home, office and grave. Each of these sites tell a different episode of Biko's life.

Equally important is that the centre is part of the Liberation Heritage Route being spearheaded by the National Heritage Council. The route connects Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement to the broader anti-colonial struggle dating back to the wars of resistance at the close of the 18th century into the 19th century. The idea is to illustrate that resistance did not only start in the 20th century Union of South Africa. Biko is as much a part of that 18th and 19th century anti-colonial history, as he would be of the 20th century. Not only was he inspired by the heroic history of the anti-colonial warriors, but he was also a product of the missionary schools built as part of spreading colonialism. As the historian Noel Mostert tells us in his book on the Eastern Cape, Frontiers, Biko represented the last generation of missionary graduates. The Eastern Cape is indeed a "province of legends". We hope the centre will bring pupils, scholars and tourists from throughout the world to experience the life of Steve Biko, and that businesses too will take advantage of the facilities offered at the centre. This is a new beginning not only for Ginsberg, but our country as a whole.

Wednesday, November 28, 2012

Biography of the Week: Julius Nyerere

Biography of the Week: Julius Nyerere

Julius Kambarage Nyerere was one of Africa's leading independence heroes (and a leading light behind the creation of the Organization of African Unity), the architect of ujamaa (an African socialist philosophy which revolutionized Tanzania's agricultural system), the prime minister of an independent Tanganyika, and the first president of Tanzania.


An Early Life

Kambarage ("the spirit which gives rain") Nyerere was born to Chief Burito Nyerere of the Zanaki (a small ethnic group in northern Tanganyika) and and his fifth (out of 22) wife Mgaya Wanyang'ombe. Nyerere attended a local primary mission school, transferring in 1937 to Tabora Secondary School, a Roman Catholic mission and one of the few secondary schools open to Africans at that time. He was baptized a catholic on 23 December 1943, and took the baptismal name Julius.

Nationalistic Awareness

Between 1943 and 1945 Nyererre attended Makerere University, in Uganda's capital Kampala, obtaining a teaching certificate. It was around this time that he took his first steps towards a political career -- in 1945 he formed Tanganyika's first student group, an offshoot of the African Association, AA, (a pan african group first formed by Tanganyika's educated elite in Dar es Salaam, in 1929). Nyerere and his colleagues began the process of converting the AA towards a nationalistic political group.
Once he had gained his teaching certificate, Nyerere returned to Tanganyika to take up a teaching post at Saint Mary's, a Catholic mission school in Tabora. He opened a local branch of the AA, and was instrumental in converting the AA from its pan-African idealism to the pursuit of Tanganyikan independence. To this end, the AA restyled itself in 1948 as the Tanganyika African Association, TAA.

Gaining a Wider Perspective

In 1949 Nyerere left Tanganyika to study for an MA in economics and history at the University of Edinburgh. He was the first African from Tanganyika to study at a British university and, in 1952, was the first Tanganyikan to gain a degree. At Edinburgh Nyerere became involved with the Fabian Colonial Bureau (a non-Marxist, anti-colonial socialist movement based in London). He watched intently Ghana's path to self-government, and was aware of the debates in Britain on the development of a Central African Federation (to be formed from a union of North and South Rhodesia and Nyasaland). Three years of study in the UK gave Nyerere an opportunity to vastly widen his perspective of pan-African issues. Graduating in 1952, he returned to teach at a Catholic school near Dar es Salaam. On 24 January he married primary school teacher Maria Gabriel Majige.

Developing the Independence Struggle in Tanganyika

This was a period of upheaval in west and south Africa -- in neighboring Kenya the Mau Mau uprising was fighting against white settler rule, and nationalistic reaction was rising against the creation of the Central African Federation. But political awareness in Tanganyika was nowhere near as advanced as with its neighbors. Nyerere, who had become president of the TAA in April 1953, realized that a focus for African nationalism amongst the population was needed. To that end, in July 1954, Nyerere converted the TAA into Tanganyika's first political party -- the Tanganyikan African National Union, or TANU.

Nyerere was careful to promote nationalistic ideals without encouraging the kind of violence that was erupting in Kenya under the Mau Mau uprising. TANU manifesto was for independence on the basis of non-violent, multi-ethnic politics, and the promotion of social and political harmony. Nyerere was appointed to Tanganyika's Legislative Council (the Legco) in 1954. He gave up teaching the following year to pursue his career in politics.

International Statesman

Nyerere testified on behalf of TANU to the UN Trusteeship Council (committee on trusts and non-self-governing territories), in both 1955 and 1956. He presented the case for setting a timetable for Tanganyikan independence (this being one of the specified aims set down for a UN trust territory). The publicity he gained back in Tanganyika established him as the country's leading nationalist. In 1957 he resigned from the Tanganyikan Legislative Council in protest over the slow progress independence.

TANU contested the 1958 elections, winning 28 of 30 elected positions in the Legco. This was countered, however, by 34 posts which were appointed by the British authorities -- there was no way for TANU to gain a majority. But TANU was making headway, and Nyerere told his people that "Independence will follow as surely as the tickbirds follow the rhino." Finally with the election in August 1960, after changes to the Legislative Assembly were passed, TANU gained the majority it sought -- 70 out of 71 seats. Nyerere became chief minister on 2 September 1960 and Tanganyika gained limited self-government.

Independence

In May 1961 Nyerere became prime minister, and on 9 December Tanganyika gained its independence. On 22 January 1962, Nyerere resigned from the premiership to concentrate on drawing up a republican constitution and to prepare TANU for government rather than liberation. On 9 December 1962 Nyerere was elected president of the new Republic of Tanganyika.

Nyerere's Approach to Government

Nyerere approached his presidency with a particularly African stance. First he attempted to integrate into African politics the traditional style of African decision making (what is known as "indaba in Southern Africa). Consensus is gained through a series of meetings in which everyone has an opportunity to say their piece. To help build national unity he adopted Kiswahili as the national language, making it the only medium of instruction and education. Tanganyika became on of the few African countries with an indigenous official national language. Nyerere also expressed a fear that multiple parties, as seen in Europe and the US, would lead to ethnic conflict in Tanganyika.

This article was first published at
http://africanhistory.about.com/od/biography/a/bio-Nyerere.htm

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Short courses in Bioethics and Health Law

The Steve Biko Centre for Bioethics, School of Clinical Medicine, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg is offering short Certificate Courses in Bioethics and Health Law early in 2013.

These courses aim to fill a gap in the bioethics education market by providing practical, applied, accessible training in this field that is more focussed and in-depth than the average talk or seminar, but less onerous and demanding than a degree course.

The courses and dates are as follows:
Foundations of Bioethics (28 Jan – 1 Feb 2013)
Foundations of Health Law (4 – 8 February 2013)
Research Ethics: Conducting Research Ethically (11 – 15 February 2013)
Advanced Health Ethics (18 – 22 February 2013)

For the Research Ethics course, members of Research Ethics Committees and researchers in the health field are especially welcome to apply.

Candidates who successfully complete the evaluation component of the course will be awarded with a University of the Witwatersrand Certificate of Competence.

Venue: Wits Faculty of Health Sciences, 7 York Road, Parktown
Fees: R3 500 per course
Closing date for applications: 18 January 2013

Please see the attached brochure for further information.

Enquiries and requests for application forms can be directed to kurium.govender@wits.ac.za

Biography of the Week: Kenneth Kaunda

Kenneth Kaunda, in full Kenneth David Kaunda (born April 28, 1924, Lubwa, near Chinsali, Northern Rhodesia [now Zambia]), is a politician who led Zambia to independence in 1964 and served as that country’s president until 1991. He is known to be associated with being the Ghandi of Africa.


Kenneth David Kaunda, affectionately known as KK and the first president of Zambia, was born on 28 April 1924 at Lubwa Mission in Chinsali, in what was then Northern Rhodesia. He was the youngest of eight children. His father was a Minister and teacher who had left Malawi in 1904 and his mother was the first African woman to teach in colonial Zambia. Initially, the young Kaunda followed in his mother’s footsteps, becoming boarding master and then headmaster at Lubwa Mission from 1943 to 1945. He worked at the Salisbury and Bindura mines and in 1948 became a teacher in Mufurila for the United Missions to the Copperbelt. But he soon began to show an active interest in politics. In 1949 he returned to Lubwa to become a part-time teacher, but resigned in 1951 and became Organising Secretary for Northern Rhodesia of the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress.

In 1953 he moved to Lusaka to take up the post of Secretary General. In 1958 Kaunda broke from the organisation and formed the Zambian Africa National Congress (ZANC). ZANC was banned in March 1959 and in June Kaunda was sentenced to nine months imprisonment, which he spent first in Lusaka then in Harare. Kaunda was released in 1960 and elected president of the United National Independence Party, the successor to ZANC. He organised a civil disobedience campaign in Northern Province, the so called Cha-cha-cha campaign, which consisted of burning schools and blocking roads. In 1964 he was appointed Prime Minister and, later the same year, became the first President of independent Zambia. In 1966, the University of Zambia was opened in Lusaka and Kaunda was appointed Chancellor. During his early presidency he was an outspoken supporter of the antiapartheid movement.

He allowed several African liberation organisations, including ZAPU and ZANU of Rhodesia and the African National Congress, to set up headquarters in Zambia. Kaunda left office when he was defeated by Frederick Chiluba in multi-party elections in 1991. He retired from politics after he was accused of involvement in a failed 1997 coup attempt. Since retiring he has been involved in various charities with much of his energy going into the fight against the spread of HIV/Aids – Kaunda lost a son to the disease. Kaunda received the 2007 Ubuntu Award.


Biography Retrieved from
http://www.durban.gov.za/City_Government/street_renaming/Biographies/Pages/Kenneth-Kaunda.aspx





Tuesday, November 20, 2012

Official Opening: The Steve Biko Centre

The Steve Biko Foundation is pleased to announce that the official opening of the Steve Biko Centre will take place from November 30 - December 2, 2012.


By way of background, the Steve Biko Centre is located in the Ginsberg Township of King William’s Town in the Eastern Cape Province. Its mandate is to translate global interest in Black Consciousness and the legacy of anti-apartheid activist Bantu Stephen Biko into a developmental resource for the region.

Often, when articulating the developmental agenda, housing, electricity and water are at the fore of discourse; less emphasis is placed on the intangible, yet equally important aspects of heritage, culture and history. Using these intangibles, the Steve Biko Centre will contribute to development, serving as an intellectual resource as well as an economic catalyst for the region.

Accordingly, the Steve Biko Centre is comprised of:

• A Museum
• An Archive and Library Resource Centre
• A Commemorative Garden honoring human rights activists
• Training Rooms
• Cultural Performance and Production Spaces
• A Community Media Centre
• Heritage Retail Spaces

In addition to offering a comprehensive visitor experience, the Steve Biko Centre will feature as the cornerstone of the Biko Heritage Trail; a broader series of Biko related sites in the Eastern Cape. These sites have been graded and duly declared as national heritage sites by the South African Heritage Resources Agency. The sites consistently garner both local and international attention. Among them are:

• The Biko Statue, Oxford Street, East London
• Biko Bridge, Settler’s Way, East London
• Zanempilo Clinic, Zinyoka
• Biko’s Home, Ginsberg Township, King William’s Town
• Biko’s Office, 15 Leopold Street, King William’s Town
• Biko’s Grave, The Steve Biko Garden of Remembrance, King William’s Town

For this reason the Steve Biko Centre is designed as both a destination for the tourist and a vehicle for greater cultural awareness and economic development for the local community. It is meant to be a living monument that utilizes memory to channel local energies towards contemporary development challenges. As such, the principal objectives of the Steve Biko Centre are to:

• Educate the Public about Steve Biko and Black Consiousness
• Contribute to Poverty Eradication through the Development of Cultural Industries
• Utilize Heritage as a Tool for Fostering Social Cohesion


Given its multi-faceted approach to social development, poverty alleviation and cultural awareness, this initiative has received the active endorsement of community members, local authorities and the national government. The Steve Biko Centre, due to the positive social and economic impact it will have on the region and the nation, has already been recognized as a Legacy Project, i.e. an initiative of national historic and cultural significance such as Robben Island and Freedom Park.

In order to qualify as a legacy project, an initiative must be endorsed by Cabinet. Beyond its national status, elements of the Trail are also part of the National Heritage Council’s National Liberation Route and are included in UNESCO’s interim World Heritage List, which delineates global sites of cultural and natural significance.

The lead funder of the Steve Biko Center is the National Department of Arts and Culture - the institution mandated by the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa to develop a more inclusive South African heritage landscape. Together, with the National Lottery, the National Department of Tourism, Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality and Transnet, the Department of Arts and Culture has made the implementation of this initiative possible.

The Business Incubator: Tendering Workshop.

The Business Incubator, an initiative of the Steve Biko Centre, invites you to a Tendering Workshop in Ginsberg.

Facilitator: Lungile Sululu from the Steve Biko Foundation
Date: November 29, 2012
Time: 10:00 – 12:00
Venue: The Steve Biko Centre, One Zotshie Street, Ginsberg, Eastern Cape
Cost: R20
For more information please contact Mr. Sululu on 043 642 1177 or email lungiles@sbf.org.za

The Business Incubator: Costing and Pricing Workshop

The Business Incubator, an initiative of the Steve Biko Centre, invites you to a Costing and Pricing Workshop in King William's Town.

Facilitator: Lungile Sululu from the Steve Biko Foundation
Date: November 27, 2012
Time: 10:00 – 12:00
Venue: The Steve Biko Centre, One Zotshie Street, Ginsberg, Eastern Cape
Cost: R20

For more information contact Mr. Lungile Sululu on 043-642 1177 or email lungiles@sbf.org.za

NB: Clients are urged to book in advance for the Micro-MBA Workshop.

The Business Incubator to Host a Workshop on Forms of Business Ownership

The Business Incubator, an initiative of the Steve Biko Centre, invites you to a Workshop on Forms of Business Ownership.

Facilitator: Mr. Lungile Sululu from the Steve Biko Foundation
Date: November 22, 2012
Time: 10:00 – 12:00
Venue: The Steve Biko Centre, One Zotshie Street, Ginsberg, Eastern Cape
Cost: R20

For more information contact Mr. Lungile Sululu on 043-6421177 or email lungiles@sbf.org.za

NB: Clients are urged to book in advance for the Micro MBA Workshop

The First Crucial Steps to Starting and Running a Business

The Business Incubator, an initiative of the Steve Biko Centre, invites you to a workshop on the first crucial steps to starting and running a business.

Facilitator: Lungile Sululu from the Steve Biko Foundation

Date: November 21, 2012

Time: 10:00 – 12:00

Venue: The Steve Biko Foundation Offices, 40 Eales Street, King Williams Town, Eastern Cape

Cost: R20

Wednesday, November 14, 2012

"Harambee": Kenyatta's call towards self-sufficiency


In 1959, freehold titles in large numbers had been issued to Africans, new farm supports were in place, and a campaign was underway to employ landless people. The growth of the Agrarian middle class had started to pick up.

During the above time period the Trade Unions were gaining momentum and Mr. Makhan Singh was prominent. However, Makhan Singh was quickly disposed off by the colonial authorities for allegedly having admitted to being a communist.


Independence

After nine years, in August 1961, Kenyatta was freed as Kenya was moving towards self-government under African leadership. Kenyatta was embraced as the colony's most important independence leader and he assumed the leadership of the Kenya African National Union (KANU), a party founded in 1960 and supported by the Kikuyu and Luo. He led the party to victory in the pre-independence elections of May 1963 and was named prime minister of Kenya in June. Kenyatta led Kenya to formal independence in December of that year. Kenya was established as a republic in December 1964, and Kenyatta was elected Kenya's first president the same month.

Growth after independence

Kenyatta knew that independence was not really the end of the struggle, but the beginning. The hopes of millions of Kenyans for a new way of life and better standards of living would not be easy to fulfill. On the 1st Madaraka Day, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta reemphasized what he had told the nation a few days earlier when KANU won the polls. He said that Madaraka was a progressive step towards the attainment of independence, that constitutional advance was not the greatest end in itself.

Independence was, to the majority of people, expected to be a turning point. The Africans, the majority expected a reversal of all things in their favor. For the European settlers who had enjoyed everything in the pre-uhuru governments, there was fear and uncertainty over their future. They visualized a vengeful African dominated government probably bent on some measures of retribution. The Asian group also feared as they had enjoyed some privileges and controlled the young nation's commercial life.

"Harambee" A call towards self-sufficiency

The slogan "Harambee" was given to Kenyan workers for the purposes of national development. Kenyatta likened the task ahead of the new nation to that of workers with a burden which would only be overcome by working together to successfully heave up or put together their heavy load.

As president, Kenyatta worked to establish harmonious race relations, safeguarding whites' property rights and appealing to both whites and the African majority to forget past injustices. "Harambee" (Swahili for "let's all pull together"), deliberately asked whites and Africans to work together for the development of Kenya. However, many of his compromise policies over time became unpopular with radicals within KANU, who advocated a more socialist state structure for Kenya. One of the key persons in this disagreement was Oginga Odinga.

Oginga Odinga was born in 1911 in Siaya District and was a student of Maseno and Alliance High School. He then went to Makerere University and in 1940, he returned to Maseno High School as a teacher. In 1948, he joined KAU and in 1957 was elected to the Legislative Council as member for Nyanza Central. He was one of the founder members of KANU in 1960 and was its first vice-president. When Kenya became a Republic in 1964, he was President Kenyatta's first vice-president. However, his disagreement with Kenyatta eventually found he and his supporters being forced out of the party in 1966.

Move To A Uni-Party State

Odinga formed the rival Kenya People's Union (KPU), which drew much support from Odinga's ethnic group, the Luo. In response, Kenyatta used his extensive presidential powers and control of the media to counter the challenge to his leadership and appealed for Kikuyu ethnic solidarity. The 1969 assassination of cabinet minister Tom Mboya-a Luo ally of Kenyatta's-by a Kikuyu led to months of tension and violence between the Luo and the Kikuyu.

Kenyatta banned Odinga's party, detained its leaders, and called elections in which only KANU was allowed to participate. For the remainder of his presidency, Kenya was effectively a one-party state, and Kenyatta made use of detention, appeals to ethnic loyalties, and careful appointment of government jobs to maintain his position. Kenyatta was reelected president in 1969 and 1974, unopposed each time.

Kenyatta died in office in 1978 and was succeeded by Kenyan vice president Daniel arap Moi. Moi pledged to continue Kenyatta's work, labeling his own program Nyayo (Swahili for "footsteps").

Sources:
Joseph Harris THE AFRICAN PRESENCE IN ASIA(Evanston, North-Western UP, 1971);
Joseph Harris ABOLITION &REPATRIATION IN KENYA Historical association of Kenya
Pamphlet No.1 (Nairobi, East African Literature Bureau, 1977); Ochieng Omondi; THE SIDDIS OF INDIA(Nairobi, Asian African Heritage Trust, 2000).
GHC, A Combined Course, Malkiat Singh, 1986


Article Retrieved from:
http://www.glpinc.org/Classroom%20Activities/Kenya%20Articles/Struggle%20for%20Independence.htm


Jomo Kenyatta and the Mau Mau Movement

In September 1946 Kenyatta returned to Kenya, and in June 1947 he became president of the first colony-wide African political organization, the Kenya African Union (KAU), which had been formed more than two years earlier. KAU's efforts to win self-government under African leadership were unsuccessful, however, African resistance to colonial policies and the supremacy of European settlers in Kenya became more militant.

The Mau Mau Movement

The Mau Mau Movement began among the Gikuyu who shared the same grievances with all other Kenyan peoples. At the same time, land shortages among the Gikuyu were particularly bad. There were many settler farms in Gikuyuland and a lot of Gikuyu land had been taken for European settlement.



World War II only increased African discontent as Kenyans fought side by side with their colonial masters. During the five year conflict Africans were exposed to many new influences and developed an awareness that the white man was far from invincible. Empowered by this new outlook, African veterans went home to Kenya with the realization that a return to the status-quo was impossible. From the end of the War in 1945, Africans regularly presented their grievances to the colonial government in Nairobi and the government in London. Under the leadership of Kenyatta, the Kenya African Union (KAU) became a national party with wide support from the people. It too, had played its part in demanding a settlement of African grievances. The Government however, did nothing except make promises. Meanwhile the white settlers were themselves pressing Britain for independence under white minority rule. Many Africans were beginning to think that what could not be achieved by peaceful means might be achieved by violence. After all, the colonial government had been promising reforms for a long time. Nothing had come of the promises.

In 1952 the Mau Mau began advocating violence against the colonial government and white settlers. Kenyatta did not advocate violence but the colonial authorities arrested him and five other KAU leaders in October 1952 for allegedly being part of Mau Mau. The six leaders were tried and, in April 1953, convicted.

While Kenyatta was confined the Mau Mau were fighting a guerilla war. Most of the fighting took place in the Central Province, Aberdares (Nyandarua), around Mt. Kenya and in Nakuru District. There were attacks on police stations and other government offices as well as on settler farms. As British troops fought the Mau Mau in the forests, the colonial government took strict measures against civilians. Many people were detained in concentration camps while others were forced to live in "protected" villages. It was not until 1955, that the British gained the upper hand against the Mau Mau, in spite of the much better arms and equipment.


Dedan Kimathi was a feared leader of the Mau Mau guerrillas who rebelled against British colonialism in the 1950s. After 1955, the most effective weapon used by the government against the Mau Mau were the 'pseudo gangs' composed largely of former guerrillas which were later renamed the Special Force Teams. Up to 1955 these units had been led by whites, and were led by loyal Africans thereafter which would go into the forests on seek and destroy expeditions against the Mau Mau hideouts.

Kimathi's capture on 21st October 1956 in Nyeri and signified the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau and essentially ended the military offensive against the Mau Mau. He was captured in 1956 and executed in February 1957 - one of about 5,000 guerrillas to die in the struggle, in which 12,000 civilians also perished. Such was the fear of Kimathi becoming a martyr for his followers that when he died (mysteriously) in prison, his body was buried in an unmarked grave whose location has not been revealed even up to today.

The Home Guard and Special Force Teams were responsible for undermining and neutralizing the Mau Mau organization through their spy network and other measures.
Other measures included the setting up of controlled villagers as a punitive measure against areas suspected of being solidly behind the Mau Mau. By early 1955 some estimate that over a million Kikuyu had been settled in these villages.

Achievements of Mau Mau

The main achievements of the Mau Mau movement can be summarized as follows: -
1. The British government in London learned that the colonial government in Kenya could not govern Kenya properly and then relied on British troops to solve the problems it had helped create.
2. The British government learned the British rule in Kenya could be maintained only by the use of massive military force. Mau Mau freedom fighters armed with home made and captured weapons had engaged thousands of highly-trained British troops. The cost of the war was very high. Furthermore it was unpopular with many of the conscript troops who sympathized with the aims of the African nationalists, and also many people living in Britain.
3. Mau Mau made it perfectly clear that the Africans of Kenya knew their rights and were prepared to fight and die for them.
4. The emergency brought Kenya to the attention of the world through press and media reports. It became impossible for the British to continue claiming that most Kenyans were happy and content under their rule.
5. The Mau Mau War put an end to the hopes of white settlers for independence under the white minority rule. As a result of Mau Mau the British government began planning for Kenyan independence under majority rule.


Article Retrieved from:
http://www.glpinc.org/Classroom%20Activities/Kenya%20Articles/Struggle%20for%20Independence.htm

Biography of the Week: Jomo Kenyatta

Kenyan nationalist movements and the Emergence of Jomo Kenyatta

The first pan-Kenyan nationalist movement was led by Harry Thuku to protest against the white-settler dominance in the government. His party, the East African Association, traced its roots to the early Kikuyu political groups and was supported by several influential and militant Asians. Thuku was arrested by the colonial authorities in 1922 and was exiled for seven years. His arrest resulted in the massacre of twenty-three Africans outside Nairobi's Central police station. He was released only after agreeing to cooperate with the colonials, a decision that cost him the leadership of the Kikuyus. This incident united Kenya's African communities and set the stage for the entry of Jomo Kenyatta, a former water meter inspector with the Nairobi Municipal Council, who stepped in and filled the leadership vacuum after Thuku.


Jomo Kenyatta was born in Gatundu; the year of his birth is uncertain, but most scholars agree he was born in the 1890s. He was born into the Kikuyu ethnic group. Named Kamau wa Ngengi at birth, he later adopted the surname Kenyatta (from the Kikuyu word for a type of beaded belt he wore) and then the first name Jomo. Kenyatta was educated by Presbyterian missionaries and by 1921 had moved to the city of Nairobi. There he became involved in early African protest movements, joining the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) in 1924.

In 1928 he became editor of the movement's newspaper. In 1929 and 1931 Kenyatta visited England to present KCA demands for the return of African land lost to European settlers and for increased political and economic opportunity for Africans in Kenya, which had become a colony within British East Africa in 1920.

Kenyatta remained in Europe for almost 15 years, during which he attended various schools and universities, traveled extensively, and published numerous articles and pamphlets on Kenya and the plight of Kenyans under colonial rule. While attending the London School of Economics, Kenyatta studied under noted British anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and published his seminal work, Facing Mount Kenya (1938).

Following World War II (1939-1945), Kenyatta became an outspoken nationalist, demanding Kenyan self-government and independence from Great Britain. With other African nationalists such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Kenyatta helped organize the fifth Pan-African Congress in Great Britain in 1945. The congress, modeled after the four congresses organized by black American intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois between 1919 and 1927 and attended by black leaders and intellectuals from around the world, affirmed the goals of African nationalism and unity.


Article Retrieved from:
http://www.glpinc.org/Classroom%20Activities/Kenya%20Articles/Struggle%20for%20Independence.htm


Monday, November 12, 2012

FrankTalk Dialogue with His Excellency Lula da Silva

On November 17, 2012 The Steve Biko Foundation (SBF) will have the honor of hosting the former President of Brazil, His Excellency Lula da Silva as a guest speaker during its monthly FrankTalk dialogue.

Throughout his long career in public service, President Lula has been lauded at home and abroad for his efforts in the fight against poverty; as well as the prominent role he has played in advancing relations among developing countries. Given the similarities in the challenges and opportunities facing both Brazilian and South African societies, SBF will host a Roundtable dialogue focusing on The Role of civil Society in Advancing Democracy. During this time, young leaders will have an opportunity to dialogue with President Lula about his experiences as a civic leader and then as a head of state. You are cordially invited to participate in this programme.

This dialogue will take place under the auspices of SBF’s FrankTalk Dialogue Series. Titled after the pseudonym under which Steve Biko wrote, FrankTalk is designed to engage young people in discussion on salient issues impacting South Africa’s political, economic and social development. As stated above, the topic of this discussion is The Role of Civil Society in Advancing Democracy. Globally, the presence of civil society is recognized as a crucially-important component of a stable democracy. The purpose of this discussion is to provide young leaders with perspectives from the international community as they seek to make meaningful contributions to socioeconomic and political development in South Africa.

Details of the Event are as follows:

Date: Saturday, 17 November 2012
Time: 9h00 for 9h30

It would be most appreciated if you could please indicate your attendance no later than Tuesday November 13 by responding to Ms Dibuseng Kolisang via telephone (011) 403 0310 or via email dibuseng@sbf.org.za. Please note that due to spatial constraints only 10 seats are available.

Thursday, November 08, 2012

The Business Incubator: Costing and Pricing Workshop

The Business Incubator, an initiative of the Steve Biko Centre, invites you to a Costing and Pricing Workshop in King William's Town.

Facilitator: Lungile Sululu from the Steve Biko Foundation
Date: Monday November 12, 2012
Time: 10:00 – 12:00
Venue: The Steve Biko Centre, One Zotshie Street, Ginsberg, Eastern Cape
Cost: R20

For more information contact Mr. Lungile Sululu on 043-642 1177 or email lungiles@sbf.org.za

NB: Clients are urged to book in advance for the Micro-MBA Workshop.

Wednesday, November 07, 2012

Biography of the Week: Samora Machel


Names: Samora Machel

Born: 29 September 1933, Mozambique

Died: 20 October 1986, Border of Mozambique and South Africa

In summary: Politician and Freedom Fighter. Revolutionary leader of the Mozambican liberation movement FRELIMO and Mozambique's first President, killed in a controversial plane crash in 1986.



Samora Machel was born in 1933 and was raised in the village of Chilembene. He was a member of the Shangana ethnic group and his parents were poor. Machel parents were forced to grow cotton by the Portuguese, rather than food such as corn which they could eat. In the 1950's his parents' farmland was taken and given to Portuguese settlers. In order to avoid starvation his relatives went to work in the South African mines under repressive and dangerous conditions. Soon after, his brother was killed in a mining accident.

Machel attended Catholic school and when he was not in class he worked in the fields. He studied to become a nurse, one of the few professions open to Mozambican Blacks at that time. Machel was attracted to Marxist ideals and began his political activities in a hospital where he protested that the black nurses were paid less than whites, who were doing the same job. He later told a reporter how bad medical treatment was for Mozambique's poor by saying, "the rich man's dog gets more in the way of vaccination, medicine and medical care than do the workers upon whom the rich man's wealth is built."

Rebellion against Portugal was not new to Samora Machel. His grandparents and great grandparents had fought against the Portuguese in the 19th century. In 1962 Machel joined the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique or FRELIMO, as it was called by most. FRELIMO was dedicated to creating an independent Mozambique. In 1963 Samora Machel left Mozambique and traveled to several other African nations where he received military training. In 1964 he returned to Mozambique and led FRELIMO's first guerilla attack against the Portuguese in northern Mozambique. Machel spent most of his time in the field with his men, leading them in combat and sharing their dangers and hardships. By 1970 Samora Machel became commander and chief of the Frelimo army. He believed in guerilla war and Frelimo's army established itself among the poor in Mozambique's. He was a revolutionary who was not only dedicated to throwing the Portuguese out of Mozambique but also radically changing the society. He said, "of all the things we have done, the most important - the one that history will record as the principal contribution of our generation - is that we understand how to turn the armed struggle into a Revolution; that we realized that it was essential to create a new mentality to build a new society."

Machel's goals were to be realized. The revolutionary army weakened Portugal, and after the country's coup in 1974 the Portuguese were forced to leave Mozambique. The new revolutianry government, led by Machel, took over on June 25, 1975. Machel became independent Mozambique's first president and was affectionately referred to as "President Samora."

Machel put his revolutionary principles into practice. As a Marxist he called for the "nationalization" (government ownership) of the Portuguese plantations and property. He moved quickly to have the Frelimo government establish public schools and health clinics for the poor. He called for Frelimo to organize itself into a Leninist Party.

Samora Machel supported and allowed revolutionaries fighting white minority regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa to operate within Mozambique. Soon after Mozambique's independence both of these countries attacked Mozambique with an anti-Frelimo organization called RENAMO. RENAMO's activities included: the killing of peasants, the destruction of schools and hospitals built by Frelimo,and the blowing up of railway lines and hydroelectric facilities. The Mozambique economy was strangled by these depredations, and began to depend on overseas aid - in particular from the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, Machel remained popular throughout his presidency. Samora Machel was awarded Lenin Peace Prize in 1975-1976.

On October 19, 1986 Samora Machel was on his way back from an international meeting in Zambia in the presidential Tupolev Tu-134 aircraft when the plane crashed in the Lebombo Mountains, near Mbuzini. There were nine survivors but President Machel and twenty-four others died, including ministers and officials of the Mozambique government.. Although, several years before the airplane went down Machel had signed a non-agression pact with the South Africa, there was widespread suspicion that the apartheid regime was implicated in the crash.

On October 6, 1986, just two weeks before the crash, South African soldiers (SADF) were injured by land mines near the spot where the borders of Mozambique, South Africa, and Swaziland converge. This site was very close to where the Tupolev Tu-134 went down. Time magazine noted that this "really seemed too much a coincidence". Throughout southern Africa angry people mourned the loss of Samora Machel. In South Africa protestors blamed their government for Machel's death. In Zimbabwe thousands of youths stormed through downtown Harare. The crash remains a mystery: with some blaming it simply on bad weather and others still believing in South Africa's guilt. No conclusive evidence to either effect has yet emerged.


This Biography was retreived from The South African History Online.
To read the original article, please visit

http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/samora-machel

Thursday, November 01, 2012

To the Black Intellectual

One of the important lessons from the example of Biko and his colleagues is their recognition that as black students, their most important mission and obligation was to articulate the needs and aspirations of the black community. They were not to be intellectuals so as to appease their own personal needs. They were to become assets for the black nation and use all of their intellectual gains and abilities to serve the black community.

We need this type of mentality today, more than ever. The current conditions have instead produced black intellectuals that seek only to run as far away from the black conditions as possible and never return. To further explain this, Cheikh Anta Diop states that;
“A climate of alienation has a profound effect on the Black personality, particularly on the educated Black, who has the opportunity to see how the rest of the world regards him and his people. It often happens that the Black intellectual thus loses confidence in his own potential and that of his race. Often the effect is so crushing that some Blacks, having evidence to the contrary, still find it hard to accept the fact we really were the first to civilize the world.”

Our solution to this should be a clear understanding that our education is useless if it doesn’t contribute to the formulation of a new way of thinking which is unpolluted by ideas of the rainbow nation but is rooted in the black struggle.

SASO’s Black Students Manifesto published in 1975 declares that;
A. We black students are:

1. an integral part of the black oppressed community before we are students coming out of and studying under the oppressive restrictions of a racist education;

2. committed to a more disciplined involvement in the intellectual and physical world and to the consistent search of the black truth;

Whether in medicine, research, accounting, journalism or marketing, our contributions can be great in the betterment of the black condition and it is our responsibility to see to the attainment of this.

This is how you go Back to Consciousness!

Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Biography of the Week: Kwame Nkrumah


Kwame Nkrumah, (born Sept. 1909, Nkroful, Gold Coast [now Ghana]—died April 27, 1972, Bucharest, Rom.), Ghanaian nationalist leader who led the Gold Coast’s drive for independence from Britain and presided over its emergence as the new nation of Ghana. He headed the country from independence in 1957 until he was overthrown by a coup in 1966.


Nkrumah, a strong advocate of Pan Africanism, declared that "the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of the African continent." By leading Africa's independent movement, Nkrumah became a source of inspiration throughout the African continent. He played a significant role in the creation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, a precursor to the current African Union.


We celebrate him!

Friday, October 26, 2012

Remembering 'Black Wednesday'

SBF, in collaboration with YFM, will host the second session of the FrankTalk Radio Dialogue. This session is designed to engage young people in discussion on salient issues impacting South Africa’s political, economic and social development.

In commemoration of the 35th Anniversary of October 19, 1977, Black Wednesday, the upcoming dialogue will explore Banning and Banishment through the experiences of those who suffered this practice during Apartheid.

This dialogue will take place in Johannesburg before a live studio audience, during YFM’s current events show. It will present an opportunity for listeners across South Africa to participate through telephone calls, SMSs, Facebook and Twitter to the station. Additionally, audiences will be able to listen to the debates live via online streaming.

Please join us as part of the Live Studio Audience!

DATE: Tuesday 30 October 2012
VENUE: YFM studio, 4 Albury Road, Dunkeld Crescent,
South West Blocks, Dunkeld West, Ext 8, Sandton
TIME: 18:30 for 19:00


Please RSVP to Dibuseng Kolisang via email: dibuseng@sbf.org.za to indicate your attendance






Wednesday, October 24, 2012

Biography of the Week: Patrice Lumumba

Patrice Lumumba, in full Patrice Hemery Lumumba (born July 2, 1925, Onalua, Belgian Congo [now the Democratic Republic of the Congo]—died January 1961, Katanga province), African nationalist leader, the first prime minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (June–September 1960). Forced out of office during a political crisis, he was assassinated a short time later.

Lumumba was born in the village of Onalua in Kasai province, Belgian Congo. He was a member of the small Batetela ethnic group, a fact that became significant in his later political life. His two principal rivals, Moise Tshombe, who led the breakaway of the Katanga province, and Joseph Kasavubu, who later became the Congo’s president, both came from large, powerful ethnic groups from which they derived their major support, giving their political movements a regional character. In contrast, Lumumba’s movement emphasized its all-Congolese nature.

After attending a Protestant mission school, Lumumba went to work in Kindu-Port-Empain, where he became active in the club of the évolués (Western-educated Africans). He began to write essays and poems for Congolese journals. He also applied for and received full Belgian citizenship. Lumumba next moved to Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) to become a postal clerk and went on to become an accountant in the post office in Stanleyville (now Kisangani). There he continued to contribute to the Congolese press.

In 1955 Lumumba became regional president of a purely Congolese trade union of government employees that was not affiliated, as were other unions, to either of the two Belgian trade-union federations (socialist and Roman Catholic). He also became active in the Belgian Liberal Party in the Congo. Although conservative in many ways, the party was not linked to either of the trade-union federations, which were hostile to it. In 1956 Lumumba was invited with others on a study tour of Belgium under the auspices of the minister of colonies. On his return he was arrested on a charge of embezzlement from the post office. He was convicted and condemned one year later, after various reductions of sentence, to 12 months’ imprisonment and a fine.

When Lumumba got out of prison, he grew even more active in politics. In October 1958 he, along with other Congolese leaders, launched the Congolese National Movement (Mouvement National Congolais; MNC), the first nationwide Congolese political party. In December he attended the first All-African People’s Conference in Accra, Ghana, where he met nationalists from across the African continent and was made a member of the permanent organization set up by the conference. His outlook and vocabulary, inspired by pan-African goals, now took on the tenor of militant nationalism.

As nationalist fervour increased, the Belgian government announced a program intended to lead to independence for the Congo, starting with local elections in December 1959. The nationalists regarded this program as a scheme to install puppets before independence and announced a boycott of the elections. The Belgian authorities responded with repression. On October 30 there was a clash in Stanleyville that resulted in 30 deaths. Lumumba was imprisoned on a charge of inciting to riot.
The MNC decided to shift tactics, entered the elections, and won a sweeping victory in Stanleyville (90 percent of the votes). In January 1960 the Belgian government convened a Round Table Conference in Brussels of all Congolese parties to discuss political change, but the MNC refused to participate without Lumumba. Lumumba was thereupon released from prison and flown to Brussels. The conference agreed on a date for independence, June 30, with national elections in May. Although there was a multiplicity of parties, the MNC came out far ahead in the elections, and Lumumba emerged as the leading nationalist politician of the Congo. Maneuvers to prevent his assumption of authority failed, and he was asked to form the first government, which he did on June 23, 1960.

A few days after independence, some units of the army rebelled, largely because of objections to their Belgian commander. Moise Tshombe took advantage of the ensuing confusion, using it as an opportunity to proclaim that the mineral-rich province of Katanga was seceding from the Congo. Belgium sent in troops, ostensibly to protect Belgian nationals in the disorder, but the Belgian troops landed principally in Katanga, where they sustained Tshombe’s secessionist regime.

The Congo appealed to the United Nations to expel the Belgians and help them restore internal order. As prime minister, Lumumba did what little he could to redress the situation. His army was an uncertain instrument of power, his civilian administration untrained and untried; the United Nations forces (whose presence he had requested) were condescending and assertive, and the political alliances underlying his regime very shaky. The Belgian troops did not leave, and the Katanga secession continued.

Since the United Nations forces refused to help suppress the Katangese revolt, Lumumba appealed to the Soviet Union for planes to assist in transporting his troops to Katanga. He asked the independent African states to meet in Léopoldville in August to unite their efforts behind him. His moves alarmed many, particularly the Western powers and the supporters of President Kasavubu, who pursued a moderate course in the coalition government and favoured some local autonomy in the provinces.

On September 5 President Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba, but the legalities of the move were immediately contested by Lumumba; as a result of the discord, there were two groups now claiming to be the legal central government. On September 14 power was seized by the Congolese army leader Colonel Joseph Mobutu (later president of Zaire as Mobutu Sese Seko), who later reached a working agreement with Kasavubu. In October the General Assembly of the United Nations recognized the credentials of Kasavubu’s government. The independent African states split sharply over the issue.

In November Lumumba sought to travel from Léopoldville, where the United Nations had provided him with protection, to Stanleyville, where his supporters had control. He was caught by the Kasavubu forces and arrested on December 2. On January 17, 1961, he was delivered to the secessionist regime in Katanga, where he was murdered. His death caused a scandal throughout Africa; retrospectively, even his enemies proclaimed him a “national hero.”

The reasons that Lumumba provoked such intense emotion are not immediately evident. His viewpoint was not exceptional. He was for a unitary Congo and against division of the country along ethnic or regional lines. Like many other African leaders, he supported pan-Africanism and the liberation of colonial territories. He proclaimed his regime one of “positive neutralism,” which he defined as a return to African values and rejection of any imported ideology, including that of the Soviet Union.

Lumumba was, however, a man of strong character who intended to pursue his policies, regardless of the enemies he made within his country or abroad. The Congo, furthermore, was a key area in terms of the geopolitics of Africa, and because of its wealth, size, and proximity to white-dominated southern Africa, Lumumba’s opponents had reason to fear the consequences of a radical or radicalized Congo regime. Moreover, in the context of the Cold War, the Soviet Union’s support for Lumumba appeared at the time as a threat to many in the West.

From: www.britannica.com

Monday, October 22, 2012

SBF and YFM Present the FrankTalk Radio Dialogue

On October 30, 2012, the Steve Biko Foundation, in collaboration with YFM, will host the second session of the FrankTalk Radio Dialogues. Titled after the pseudonym under which Biko wrote, FrankTalk is designed to engage young people in discussion on salient issues impacting South Africa’s political, economic and social development.

In commemoration of the 35th Anniversary of October 19, 1977, Black Wednesday, the upcoming dialogue will explore Banning and Banishment through the experiences of those who suffered this practice during Apartheid.

Please join us as part of the Live Studio Audience!
DATE: Tuesday 30 October 2012
VENUE: YFM studio, 4 Albury Road, Dunkeld Crescent,
South West Blocks, Dunkeld West, Ext 8, Sandton
TIME: 18:30 for 19:00

Please RSVP to Dibuseng Kolisang via email: dibuseng@sbf.org.za or call on 011 403 0310 to indicate your attendance

Limited Space!

Thursday, October 18, 2012

Biko on Social Integration



Social integration has become an interesting point of contestation for South Africa’s Rainbow Nation. Many have argued South Africa is a global sign post for a truly reconciliatory democracy where all members of society are working as one for unity and oneness. They have argued that the republic is progressing very well in a move towards becoming a non-racial integrated society.

While this is the case, let us examine social integration as the movement and assimilation of social groups into a common set of values for their society. Now in order for such integration to happen, these groups must be coming from a point of equality for mutual contribution in moulding and building these values. Biko further defines integration as “…free participation by all members of society, catering for the full expression of the self in a freely changing society as determined by the will of the people,…” Are there yet? Are we even heading this direction?

There is a bit of a problem with the ways that our society is moving. The integration that we see is of blacks doing the moving into the white set of values or the so called ‘mainstream’. Biko calls this “…a breakthrough into the white world by blacks, an assimilation and acceptance of blacks into an already established set of norms and code of behaviour set up and maintained by whites,…” he further says this form of integration is artificial in that people forming it are “…extracted from various segregated societies with their inbuilt complexes of superiority and inferiority and these continue to manifest themselves even in the ‘nonracial’ setup of the integrated complex. As a result the integration so achieved is a one-way course, with the whites doing all the talking the blacks the listening.”

This is where the problem is with our version of integration. Biko says “those who believe in it are living in a fool’s paradise.” We need to revisit the meaning of integration as we go Back to Consciousness.

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Black Woman by Leopold Senghor

His poetry was widely acclaimed, and in 1978 he was awarded the Prix mondial Cino Del Duca. In 1948, Senghor compiled and edited a volume of Francophone poetry called Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malgache for which Jean-Paul Sartre wrote an introduction, titled "Orphée Noir" (Black Orpheus).

Here is our favourite poem from him;

Black Woman by Leopold Sedhar Senghor


Naked woman, black woman
Clothed with your colour which is life,
with your form which is beauty!

In your shadow I have grown up; the
gentleness of your hands was laid over my eyes.
And now, high up on the sun-baked
pass, at the heart of summer, at the heart of noon,
I come upon you, my Promised Land,
And your beauty strikes me to the heart
like the flash of an eagle.

Naked woman, dark woman

Firm-fleshed ripe fruit, sombre raptures
of black wine, mouth making lyrical my mouth
Savannah stretching to clear horizons,
savannah shuddering beneath the East Wind's
eager caresses

Carved tom-tom, taut tom-tom, muttering
under the Conqueror's fingers

Your solemn contralto voice is the
spiritual song of the Beloved.

Naked woman, dark woman

Oil that no breath ruffles, calm oil on the
athlete's flanks, on the flanks of the Princes of Mali
Gazelle limbed in Paradise, pearls are stars on the
night of your skin

Delights of the mind, the glinting of red

Biography of the Week: Léopold Senghor

Léopold Sédar Senghor was a Senegalese poet, politician, and cultural theorist who for two decades served as the first president of Senegal. Senghor was the first African elected as a member of the Académie française.

He was born on 9 October 1906 in the city of Joal, some one hundred kilometres south of Dakar. He studied with prominent social scientists such as Marcel Cohen, Marcel Mauss and Paul Rivet (director of the Institut d'ethnologie de Paris). Senghor, along with other intellectuals of the African diaspora who had come to study in the colonial capital, coined the term and conceived the notion of "négritude", which was a response to the racism still prevalent in France. It turned the racial slur nègre into a positively connoted celebration of African culture and character. The idea of négritude informed not only Senghor's cultural criticism and literary work, but also became a guiding principle for his political thought in his career as a statesman.

Négritude

With Aimé Césaire and Léon Damas, Senghor created the concept of Négritude, an important intellectual movement that sought to assert and to valorize what they believed to be distinctive African characteristics, values, and aesthetics. This was a reaction against the too strong dominance of French culture in the colonies, and against the perception that Africa did not have culture developed enough to stand alongside that of Europe. Building upon historical research identifying ancient Egypt with black Africa, Senghor argued that sub-Saharan Africa and Europe are in fact part of the same cultural continuum, reaching from Egypt to classical Greece, through Rome to the European colonial powers of the modern age. Négritude was by no means—as it has in many quarters been perceived—an anti-white racism, but rather emphasized the importance of dialogue and exchange among different cultures (e.g., European, African, Arab, etc.).

A related concept later developed in Mobutu's Zaire is that of authenticité or Authenticity.


In 1939, Senghor was enrolled as a French army enlisted man (2ème Classe) with the rank of private within the 59th Colonial Infantry division in spite of his higher education and his later acquisition of the French Citizenship in 1932. A year later, during the German invasion of France, he was taken prisoner by the Germans in la Charité-sur-Loire. He was interned in different camps, and finally at Front Stalag 230, in Poitiers. Front Stalag 230 was reserved for colonial troops captured during the war. German soldiers wanted to execute him and the others the same day they were captured, but they escaped this fate by yelling Vive la France, vive l'Afrique noire! ("Long live France, long live Black Africa!") A French officer told the soldiers that executing the African prisoners would dishonour the Aryan race and the German Army. In total, Senghor spent two years in different prison camps, where he spent most of his time writing poems. In 1942 he was released for medical reasons.

He resumed his teaching career while remaining involved in the resistance during the Nazi occupation.

Senegal

Senghor supported federalism for newly independent African states, a type of "French Commonwealth". Since federalism was not favoured by the African countries, he decided to form, along with Modibo Keita, the Mali Federation with former French Sudan (present day Mali). Senghor was president of the Federal Assembly until its failure in 1960.

Afterwards, Senghor became the first President of the Republic of Senegal, elected on 5 September 1960. He is the author of the Senegalese national anthem. The prime minister, Mamadou Dia, was in charge of executing Senegal's long-term development plan, while Senghor was in charge of foreign relations. The two men quickly disagreed. In December 1962, Mamadou Dia was arrested under suspicion of fomenting a coup d'état. He was held in prison for twelve years. Following this, Senghor created a presidential regime.

On 22 March 1967, Senghor survived an assassination attempt. The suspect, Moustapha Lô, pointed his pistol towards the President after he had participated in the sermon of Tabaski, but the gun did not fire. Lô was sentenced to death for treason and executed on 15 June 1967, even though it remained unclear if he had actually wanted to kill Senghor.

Following an announcement at the beginning of December 1980, Senghor resigned his position at the end of the year, before the end of his fifth term. Abdou Diouf replaced him as the head of the country. Under his presidency, Senegal adopted a multi-party system (limited to three: socialist, communist and liberal). He created a performing education system. Despite the end of official colonialism, the value of Senegalese currency continued to be fixed by France, the language of learning remained French, and Senghor ruled the country with French political advisors.

Legacy

Although a socialist, Senghor avoided the Marxist and anti-Western ideology that had become popular in post-colonial Africa, favouring the maintenance of close ties with France and the western world. This is seen by many as a contributing factor to Senegal's political stability: it remains one of the few African nations never to have had a coup, and always to have had a peaceful transfer of power.

Senghor's tenure as president was characterized by the development of African socialism, which was created as an indigenous alternative to Marxism, drawing heavily from the négritude philosophy. In developing this, he was assisted by Ousmane Tanor Dieng. On 31 December 1980, he retired in favour of his prime minister, Abdou Diouf.

Seat number 16 of the Académie was vacant after the Senegalese poet's death. He was ultimately replaced by another former president, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing.

Poetry

His poetry was widely acclaimed, and in 1978 he was awarded the Prix mondial Cino Del Duca. His poem A l'appel de la race de Saba published in 1936 was inspired by the entry of Italian troops in Addis Ababa. In 1948, Senghor compiled and edited a volume of Francophone poetry called Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malgache for which Jean-Paul Sartre wrote an introduction, titled "Orphée Noir" (Black Orpheus).

For his epitaph was a poem he had written, namely:

When I'm dead, my friends, place me below Shadowy Joal,
On the hill, by the bank of the Mamanguedy, near the ear of Serpents' Sanctuary.
But place me between the Lion and ancestral Tening-Ndyae.
When I'm dead, my friends, place me beneath Portuguese Joal.
Of stones from the Fort build my tomb, and cannons will keep quiet.
Two oleanders -- white and pink -- will perfume the Signare.