Tuesday, March 25, 2014

A Man to Remember: Walter Rodney






Walter Rodney (23 March 1942 – 13 June 1980) was a prominent Guyanese historian, political activist and preeminent scholar, who was assassinated in Guyana in 1980.

Born into a working-class family, Walter Anthony Rodney was a very bright student, attending Queen's College in the then British Guiana (now Guyana), where he became a champion debater and athlete, and then attending university on a scholarship at the University College of the West Indies (UCWI) in Jamaica, graduating in 1963 with a first-class degree in History, thereby winning the Faculty of Arts prize.

Rodney earned a PhD in African History in 1966 at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, England, at the age of 24. His dissertation, which focused on the slave trade on the Upper Guinea Coast, was published by the Oxford University Press in 1970 under the title A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800 and was widely acclaimed for its originality in challenging the conventional wisdom on the topic.

Rodney traveled widely and became very well known internationally as an activist, scholar and formidable orator. He taught at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania during the period 1966-67 and later in Jamaica at his alma mater UWI Mona. He was sharply critical of the middle class for its role in the post-independence Caribbean. He was also a strong critic of capitalism and argued for a socialist development template.

On 15 October 1968 the government of Jamaica, led by Prime Minister Hugh Shearer, declared Rodney persona non grata. The decision to ban him from ever returning to Jamaica because of his advocacy for the working poor in that country caused riots to break out, eventually claiming the lives of several people and causing millions of dollars in damages. These riots, which started on 16 October 1968, are now known as the Rodney Riots, and they triggered an increase in political awareness across the Caribbean, especially among the Afrocentric Rastafarian sector of Jamaica, documented in his book The Groundings With My Brothers.

In 1969, Rodney returned to the University of Dar es Salaam, where he served as a Professor of History until 1974.

Rodney became a prominent Pan-Africanist, and was important in the Black Power movement in the Caribbean and North America. While living in Dar es Salaam he was influential in developing a new centre of African learning and discussion.


Later years and assassination
In 1974 Rodney returned to Guyana from Tanzania. He was due to take up a position as a professor at the University of Guyana but the government prevented his appointment. He became increasingly active in politics, founding the Working People's Alliance, a party that provided the most effective and credible opposition to the PNC government. In 1979 he was arrested and charged with arson after two government offices were burned.

On 13 June 1980, Walter Rodney at the age of thirty-eight was killed by a bomb in his car, a month after returning from the independence celebrations in Zimbabwe and during a period of intense political activism. He was survived by his wife, Pat, and three children. His brother, Donald Rodney, who was injured in the explosion, said that a sergeant in the Guyana Defence Force named Gregory Smith had given Walter the bomb that killed him. After the killing Smith fled to French Guiana, where he died in 2002.

It was, and is still widely believed - although technically hard to prove - that the assassination was a set-up by then President Linden Forbes Burnham. Rodney's ideas of the various ethnic groups who were all historically disenfranchised by the ruling colonial class, working together, was in conflict with Burnham's maniacal need for control.

Academic influence
"Rodney's most influential book was his magnum opus, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, published in 1972. In it he described an Africa that had been consciously exploited by European imperialists, leading directly to the modern underdevelopment of most of the continent. The book became enormously influential as well as controversial. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa was groundbreaking in that it was among the first to bring a new perspective to the question of underdevelopment in Africa. Rodney's analysis went far beyond the heretofore accepted approach in the study of Third World underdevelopment.

"When we think of Walter Rodney as a Revolutionary Scholar we are talking about two things, Radical Scholar and his revolutionary contribution to the study of History ie. History of Africa. Walter Rodney was a pioneering scholar who provided new answers to old questions and posed new questions in relation to the study of Africa." — Remarks by Professor Winston McGowan at the Walter Rodney Commemorative Symposium held at York College, USA, in June 2010.

"Walter Rodney was no captive intellectual playing to the gallery of local or international radicalism. He was clearly one of the most solidly ideologically situated intellectuals ever to look colonialism and its contemporary heir black opportunism and exploitation in the eye" — Remarks by Wole Soyinka, Oduduwa Hall, University of Ife, Nigeria, Friday, June 27, 1980.

Biography accessed on  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Rodney on March 25, 2014.


Thursday, March 20, 2014

The Commemoration of Sharpeville: An Extract From a Paper by Ali Hlongwane


 Introduction

The emergence of the post-1994 South Africa is characterised by processes aimed at shaping a 'new South African' consciousness that will give the South African nation an identity for the future. This process has entailed generally, the perpetuation of " images, stereotypes, silences and underlying ideologies" (Mesthrie; 1994; 235) that give the country a distinct identity. In the South African context this identity has to derive strength from the country's diversity. It has to inculcate reconciliation with the country's painful past. Further, it has to be an identity whose source of symbolic pride is affirming the diverse heritage that will ultimately constitute the South African experience. This process is suppose to represent "the beginning of a new era in the public (re) presentation of South African history"(Hamilton; 1994; 184). However, it is not a straight forward process. It has its twists, turns and contradictions that lead to deliberate inclusion and exclusion informed by the dominant perspective of the state. However, the pace in which the South African state is running at to impose symbols of unity has led a number of people to pause and observe that: "Our dream of joint national purpose and cohesion is at times just too unrealistic. Our fate is as one nation, but nations need time to mature"(Star,2000). 


This dream of shaping 'our fate as one nation' is riddled with tensions as will be shown in the discussion of contests on Heroes Day. These tensions will be illustrated by discussing the way in which political rhetoric commemorating Sharpeville Day gives rise to different uses of the past. The question that the article seeks to explore is, what stories do political activists tell about the Sharpeville shootings to either consolidate their power, or to undermine each other? We will discuss this question by looking at the commemorative writings of activists from the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). We will look at how their writings commemorate and recreate memories of the Sharpeville shootings of 21 March 1960.


Counter-Memories of Sharpeville Day


Differing views continue on what Sharpeville should be in South Africa's memory the post 1994 period. True to Nuttal's argument that the "past…is being remade for purposes of reconciliation", the ANC led government declared March 21 a Public Holiday and marked it Human rights Day. This was welcomed by others, who interpreted Human Rights Day to mean, "Sharpeville's pivotal place in our history was firmly acknowledged… when it was chosen as the site for signing the new constitution into law. And to remember the day, 21 March is observed as Human Rights Day" (Pogrund, 1997, 19) However, contrary perspectives also welcomed Human Rights Day. Writing on the 40th anniversary of the shootings in Sharpeville, Thloloe (2000) observes, "Tuesday will be Human Rights Day. On that day, the United Nations will also be marking the International Day for the Elimination of Racism. But for many of us, the day will remain Sharpeville Day, the day on which we commemorate the death of 69 people at the hands of the South African police, a watershed in the history of our liberation struggle". (Muendane, 1999 55) further asserts the same sentiments "in paying tribute to our freedom, we observe Human Rights Day. The choice of March 21st was inappropriate. It shall always remain Sharpeville Day to many freedom fighters. For Thloloe and Muendane, remembering the Sharpeville shootings as Sharpeville Day will ensure that the public does not forget the heroic act it symbolises as well as its historic political role in shaping the direction of South African politics to embracing armed struggle. Sharpeville led to the declaration of the first state of emergency; it led to the banning of the PAC and ANC; it was a gravedigger to the politics of protest and ushered in armed struggle; Sharpeville mobilised the international community to seriously consider sanctions. The argument then is Human Rights Day neutralises the struggle content represented by Sharpeville Day. At the same time Dr Pheko writing in the Sowetan, notes; "It is a shame that the present government has erected no monument for the martyrs of Sharpeville. The history of this country's liberation is written in their blood. Indeed when one day the true history of South Africa is written, the Sharpeville uprising will assume the prominence as an historical watershed" This view is further expressed by Plaatjie, (1998) who notes that "the heroes of Sharpeville are still remembered with a passing tribute and an occasional gathering in Sharpeville. But the neglected spot in which they are buried could be mistaken for any mundane graveyard". Whilst Dr Pheko sees the silence on Sharpeville Day as a grand design by the ANC led government to marginalise the PAC, Plaatjie goes further and find the role of African intellectuals also at fault. He writes: "It is a shame that to date Sharpeville's heroes have not been properly honoured and that their role has not been adequately chronicled by African intellectuals" (Plaatjie, 1998). Counter memories on Sharpeville Day are also around what form should the Commemorations take. The government commemorates Human Rights Day by financing a number of festivals in various parts of the country. This has been interpreted as part of the grand design to debase this historic event. Dr Mogoba, the President of the PAC has expressed his disapproval on the current government methods of marking Sharpeville Day in the following words: " Today some people organise concerts, and some of our stars are bought or coerced into singing to our gullible masses. Who in their right minds commemorates the death of their beloved ones by throwing music concerts" (Mogoba,2000)


Alternative Voices on Sharpeville Day



As alternatives to government sponsored concerts and festivals, counter memories on Sharpeville Day, take on a number of forms. The PAC and AZAPO continue to hold rallies as in the pre- 1994 format. In these political rallies Sharpeville Day becomes Heroes Day. It becomes a source of inspiration for new struggles. It further provides a platform to criticise and mobilise against the policy directions of the ANC government. PAC leaders, have now made it a tradition to publish articles in daily newspapers like the Sowetan and weeklies articulating their perspectives on the historical event. A number of articles, commemoration speeches, poems, songs on the memory and spirit of Sharpeville have been produced over the years. However, these have not been compiled and put together for easy access. A few biographies and autobiographies have been published in the last five years. Dr Motsoko Pheko has published 'The Land is Ours- The Political Legacy Of Mangaliso Sobukwe'; Elias Ntloedibe has published, 'Here is a Tree- A Political Biography of Mangaliso Sobukwe'; Progrund has published, Sobukwe and Apartheid- How Can Man Die Better', A film documentary titled 'Sobukwe- A Tribute to Integrity' has been produced, as well as Phillip Ata Kgosana' autobiography, 'Lest We Forget" among a number of others. These publications are significant monuments in the commemoration of Sharpeville Day. Dr Mangcu writing in The Star ,Friday, September 10 1999 says, "I have found the best example of what we could do to honour (Sharpeville Day and Sobukwe) in what African Americans have done for Du Bois, the founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured Peoples (NAACP)."The amount of intellectual, cultural and historical output and interest in Du Bois is mind blowing. Some of the leading work around Du Bois's legacy is being conducted at Harvard University's prestigious WEB Du Bois Institute.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QewjEshKbuE

Concluding Remarks


The commemoration of Sharpeville Day, has become a melting pot that gives rise to questions about the directions of the continuing liberation process in South Africa. The commemoration allow people to vent out their frustrations about the shortcomings of the new dispensation. At the same time the commemoration is the symbol of healing and reconciliation with the painful past. People commemorate Human Rights Day to mark triumph over the dark days of the past, they mark Human Rights Day to resolve that, what South Africans went through should never be repeated again. What is missing in the writings and debates on the memory of Sharpeville Day, are testimonies of the next of kin of the individuals who lost their lives on that fateful day. There are no records or investigations on what the neglected graveside means to them, or what the heated claims and counter claims of ownership by political parties mean to them, as well as their views of what it means to have a personal experience turned into a national event. Further, we have no records of the attitude and responses of foreign visitors, tourists and individuals involved in tourism to the spot where the shootings occurred. What dialogues emerge between them and the neglected spot as well as the graveyard?

Ali Hlongwane, Post-graduate Heritage Studies Student, University of the Witwatersrand, March 2000.

References
  • Ndlovu, M.S (1998) The Soweto Uprising: Counter Memories of June 1976. Ravan Press
  • Pheko, M. (2000) Focus: 'Lest We Forget Sharpeville', The Sowetan, 20 March.
  • Pogrund,B. (1997) Focus: 'Prisoner 1', Sunday Life, 23 March.
  • Muendane, N.K. (1999) Focus: 'Human Rights? Human Responsibilities', Tribute, March.
  • Thloloe, J. (2000) Focus: 'Lest We Forget', Sunday World, 19 March.
  • Plaatjie, T. (1998)Focus: 'Sharpeville Heroes Neglected', The Sowetan, 
This article was retrieved from www.sahistory.org.za/topic/commemoration-sharpeville-extract-paper-ali-hlongwane  on the 20th of March 2014.

Tuesday, March 04, 2014

The Voice of Hope - Miriam Makeba

South Africa's Miriam Makeba



Miriam Makeba, also known as Mamma Africa was born in 1932 in South Africa. She was named Zenzifrom the expression “Uzenzile” (You only have yourself to blame) which her grandmother used repeatedly through the process of Miriam’s difficult deliver

When the baby was only 18 days old, her mother was put in prison for six months for her beer brewing activities. Little Zenzi spent the first six months of her life in a South African jail, maybe an omen for her later activism.

Featured Vocalist with the Manhattan Brothers

As a young girl, she was often asked to sing at weddings and people were dazzled by her talent. She first came to the attention of the public as a featured vocalist with the Manhattan Brothers in 1954 and then recorded with her all-woman group the Skylarks.

In 1959 she took over the female lead in the jazz musical King Kong”, a story about the life of a boxer. This musical was a hit in South Africa and played in the West End of London in 1961. It had a cast of 72 including Hugh Masekela (whom she’d marry).

Makeba Goes into Exile

In the same year she appeared in an anti-Apartheid film "Come Back Africa". Makeba went to the Venice Film Festival to receive an award for the movie that took her voice around the world. She decided not to return home. Her South African passport was revoked.

In 1963, after an impassioned testimony before the United Nations Committee Against Apartheid, Makeba's records were banned in South Africa and her South African citizenship and her right to return to the country was revoked.

Harry Belafonte organized a US visa for her, and the young, beautiful African woman with the sultry voice conquered US audiences. In 1967, more than ten years after she wrote the song, "Pata Pata" was released in the United States and became a hit worldwide. All over people were doing the "pata pata dance".

Makeba released Pata Pata, the Click song and Mailka in the USA

Miriam Makeba released many of her most famous hits in the USA including Pata Pata, The Click Song (Qongqothwane in Xhosa), and Malaika. In 1966, Makeba received the Grammy Award for Best Folk Recording together with Harry Belafonte for An Evening with Belafonte & Makeba.

Makeba is Boycotted in the USA and Moves to Africa

Miriam Makeba was an overnight sensation, that is, until she became involved with Black Power activist, Stokely Carmichael in 1968 (who she married). Mamma Africa became a persona non grata in the US. The overnight sensation was boycotted mercilessly by promoters and radio stations. Miriam returned to Africa at the invitation of Sékou Touré, at that time President of Guinea, who issued her a diplomat's passport. From there Makeba continued touring and recording, appeared twice as ambassador extraordinary in front of the United Nations, speaking out against apartheid.

Paul Simon's Graceland Tour

But Mamma Africa longed for home. The political climate was changing and in 1987 she featured on Paul Simon’s Graceland Tour, including a very emotional concert in Harare, a few miles from the South African border. This tour opened doors again for Miriam Makeba. She celebrated her triumphant return to the great concert halls of the world, and the greatest prize for her – she was able to go home in 1990.

Mamma Africa comes home

After a lifetime of recording, winning awards, making TV specials and movies – Mriam Makeba, an unstoppable great-grandmother enjoys spending time with her extended family. She has weathered many storms in her life, including several car accidents, a plane crash and even cancer.

Predictably, Miriam Makeba, Mamma Africa is now touring the world with her eight member band. The voice that has been described as "deep as the Indian Ocean and sparkling as the diamonds of her own country" is one of the most valuable assets South Africa has ever exported.

Mamma Africa, Miriam Makeba appeared in a FREE concert in Trafalgar Square on 28 May 2007.

Death of Miriam Makeba

Mamma Africa died on 10 November 2008 of a heart attack in the early hours of the morning after a performance near the southern Italian town of Caserta.

Other Mamma Africa links:

Miriam Makeba's official website at Gallo Records.

A very detailed Fansite by Swedish engineer, Ake Holm, with an excellent discography.
May 4, 2007© Karen Lotter


This Information was retrieved from https://suite101.com/a/south-africas-miriam-makeba-a20549  .