Dulcie September

Dulcie Evonne September, born on 20 August 1935 in Athlone, Western Cape South Africa, was the eldest daughter of Jakobus and Susan September. Her years early were spent in Glenmore, Athlone where her interest in political activism began.

September started her primary schooling at Klipfontein Methodist Mission, and attended high school at Athlone High School. Her political consciousness was further raised by a number of her teachers at Athlone High who were active in civic and political organisations. When she completed high school at a night school and not at Athlone High, she enrolled at the Wesley Training School in Salt River. At the Wesley Training School, September trained as a teacher, and in 1955, she completed her Teacher’s Diploma.

September started teaching at City Mission School in Maitland, and in 1956, she went on to teach at Bridgetown East primary School in Athlone. A year later, September joined the newly established Cape Peninsula Students’ Union (CPSU), an affiliate of the Unity Movement of South Africa. CPSU was aimed at overcoming racial divisions and forging solidarity among students of different backgrounds. In 1960, September also joined the African Peoples Democratic Union of Southern Africa (APDUSA).

She eventually parted ways with her peers at the Unity Movement of South Africa, as she believed in action rather than debate and discussion about national and international politics. The Sharpeville massacre, and the consequent political crisis that gripped the country, had awakened a militant attitude among the people including September. She went on to become a member of the militant study group Yu Chi Chan Club, the name for guerrilla warfare, which Mao Tse-tung used. Yu Chi Chan Club was, however, disbanded at the end of 1962, to be replaced by the National Liberation Front (NLF) in January 1963. On 07 October 1963, while engaged in the activities of NLF, September was arrested and detained without trial at Roeland Street Prison. Together with nine other member, she was charged under the under the Criminal Procedure Act, the principal charge being "conspiracy to commit acts of sabotage, and incite acts of politically motivated violence". On 15 April 1964, September was sentenced to five years imprisonment, during which she was subjected to physical and psychological violence. After discovering that September and her fellow prisoners were exerting strong political influence over illiterate women prisoners, the authorities decided to move them to Kroonstad, which was reserved exclusively for political prisoners.  During her first year in prison, September set out to complete her senior certificate.

In March 1956, September appealed for release, but the Appeal Court in Bloemfontein dismissed her application. September was, however, released in April 1969. She was given a banning order by the apartheid government, effectively restricting her movement and her ability to participate in political activity and teach. Subsequently, September went to live with her sister in Paarl.

In 1973, having secured a teaching post at Madeley College of Education in Staffordshire, September applied for a permanent departure permit. She left South Africa the same year; and in London, she joined the activities of the Anti-apartheid Movement. As a member of the Anti-apartheid Movement, September was in the frontline of numerous demonstrations and protests. Later, she gave up her career in teaching to join the staff of the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. In 1976, September joined the African National Congress (ANC), where she worked in the ANC Women’s League.  In 1979, International Year of the Child (IYC), she was elected chairperson of the IYC Committee of the ANC Women's Section in London. This Committee decided to research and compile a booklet to inform the international community of the plight of children under apartheid.  September worked diligently and the booklet was published on 16 June.  During June 1979, the United Nations (UN) Unit against Apartheid together with the NGO sub-committee passed a resolution to hold a seminar on Children under Apartheid in Paris, France.  At the Paris seminar, September reported on the plight of black children under apartheid. In May 1980, the UN Special Committee against Apartheid, the Women’s’ International Democratic Federation (WIDF), the Secretariat of the World Conference of the UN Decade for Women and UNESCO organised a seminar on Women and Apartheid in Helsinki, Finland.  The seminar was part of the efforts of the international community to do away with apartheid.  The Women’s’ Section of the ANC was represented by September, Florence Mophosho, Lindiwe Mabuza, and Mankekolo Mahlangu. Again in 1980, the ANC Women’s Section in London proposed September’s name for a seminar in Montreal, At the beginning of October, she went to Arusha, Tanzania, for a seminar of the International Labour Organisation.  Here, September assisted in the preparation of papers dealing with the social and economic consequences of discrimination against women in Namibia and South Africa. In 1981 she was called to work full-time at the ANC headquarters in Lusaka, in the Regional Preparatory Committee (RPC).  At its first meeting September was elected chairperson of the RPC.  The main mission of the RPC for that year was the organisation of two conferences of the ANC Women’s Section to be held at Kabwe, Zambia in August and in Luanda, Angola in September.  Both conferences were to commemorate the 25th anniversary of South Africa’s Women’s Day.

September and a colleague were elected to represent the ANC Women’s Section at the World Congress of Women for Equality, National Independence and Peace to be held in Prague, Czechoslovakia in October, 1981.  Mittah and September were elected to serve on a special committee to discuss problems of women and children in emergency situations. At the end of 1983, September was appointed ANC Chief Representative in France, Switzerland and Luxembourg. As Chief Representative, one of her main duties was to rally support inside France, Switzerland and Luxembourg for disinvestment and full economic sanctions against the South African government, as France provided a substantial proportion of South Africa’s military aircraft and naval aircraft.

In June 1986 September was instrumental in organising an international conference against South Africa.  In his opening address, Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC, spoke of the moral obligations of France to impose sanctions against South Africa.  However, Tambo’s words carried little weight.  Less than five months after the Paris Conference, France, along with the United States of America, Germany, Israel and the United Kingdom voted against an oil embargo against SA at the UN.

Between October 1986 and September 1987 September was deeply involved with what became known as the Albertini Affair, which dominated the diplomatic relationship between France and South Africa.  Pierre Andre Albertini was employed as a lecturer in French at the University of Fort Hare, as part of the French Government’s exchange programme.  Albertini became politically active, and the SA government imprisoned him for his collaboration with the ANC.  September, in consultation with the anti-apartheid movements, petitioned French President Mitterrand not to accept the credentials of South Africa’s new ambassador to France, Hennie Geldenhuys before Albertini had been released from his Ciskei prison and allowed to return home. 

By 1987, it became evident that September had succeeded in putting together an effective anti-apartheid lobby, her strong pro-sanctions and disinvestment campaign in particular, not only in France but also in Switzerland and Luxembourg.  September had succeeded in forging strong links with anti-apartheid pressure groups and left wing politicians in all three countries.  Her mission had become a serious threat to not only to the South African regime, but also to Europe’s arms dealers.

The 1980s saw an increased aggression in South African military actions against ANC external missions.  She was certain that her office was under surveillance and her telephone bugged, and that unknown agents had gained access to her office.  Following two failed attacks on her colleague, Godfrey Motsepe in Belgium, September approached the French police for protection. At this time, the ANC leadership in London decided to recall September and transfer her to safety, however, September refused to abandon her mission.

On 29 March 1988, September was assassinated outside the ANC’s Paris office at 28 Rue des Petites-Ecuries, as she was opening the office after collecting the mail. She was shot five times from behind with a silenced rifle. She was 53 years old at the time of her death.

After the news of her death, several hundred protesters demonstrated in front of the South African Embassy, and clashed with the French police. Several members of the Young French Communist Party were arrested. Twenty thousand mourners paid their last respects to September in a mass funeral.  September was the first woman, ANC member, and high ranked diplomat to fall on foreign soil. Alfred Nzo, the longest-standing secretary-general of the ANC, commented: "If ever there was a soft target, Dulcie September was one.”

Dulcie September's murder generated much speculation around whether she was the victim of hitmen hired by South Africa's apartheid regime, possibly with the complicity of the French secret service. Nonetheless, officially, no assassin was found and the case remained on the shelf for 10 years, which marked the end of the window period for it to be re-opened. It was hence irretrievably closed after this lapse of time. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was also unable to shed light on the assassination of September.

In the following years, September was honoured through various means. In 1988, Jean Michel Jarre composed a song named ‘September’, dedicated to Dulcie September. The artist, Hans Haacke, dedicated his piece, ‘One Day, The Lions of Dulcie September Will Spout Water in Jubilation’ to Dulcie Septembers. Additionally, a square on the 10th arrondissement of Paris is named after Dulcie September, and was officially inaugurated on 31 March 1998, ten years after her death. A street in Cléon, near Rouen is also named after her. In October 2011, Staffordshire University Students’ Union honoured Dulcie September by renaming their boardroom the "September Room" and erecting a plaque in her memory. A play named, ‘Cold Case: Revisiting Dulcie September’ is a tribute to Dulcie September.

Sources:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dulcie_September

http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/dulcie-evonne-september

Dulcie September Dulcie Evonne September, born on 20 August 1935 in Athlone, Western Cape South Africa, was the eldest daughter o...

Dorothy Nyembe

Dorothy Nomzansi Nyembe was born on 31 December 1931 near Dundee in northern Kwa- Zulu Natal in South Africa. She attended mission school until the age of 15 when she gave birth to her only child.

In 1952, Nyembe joined the African National Congress (ANC), during this time she made a living as a street vendor.  She participated in the Defiance Campaign, a non-violent campaign against apartheid laws, in Durban and was arrested twice for her involvement. In 1954, Nyembe played a part in the formation of the ANC Women’s League in Cato Manor, Durban. She became Chairperson of the “Two Sticks” Branch Committee in Cato Manor. In 1956, Nyembe was one of the leaders against the forced removals from Cato Manor; she was also one of the leaders of the boycotts of the government controlled beer halls. The beer halls took away the income that women generated from brewing traditional beer. In large demonstrations, women armed with sticks marched into the beer-halls, attacking men who were drinking, and wrecking the facilities, despite the presence of police. One vivid account recalls that the women “were very powerful. Some came half dressed (in traditional dress) with their breasts exposed, and when they got near this place the police tried to block the women. When they saw this, the women turned and pulled up their skirts. The police closed their eyes and the women passed by and went in.” In the same year, Nyembe was elected as Vice- President of the Durban branch of the ANC Women’s League; she also became a prominent member of the Federation of South African Women.

On 09 August 1956, Nyembe led the Kwa-Zulu Natal body of women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria.  The march to the Union Buildings was to present the Prime Minister with a petition and to protest against pass laws that discriminated black people. In the same year, Nyembe was arrested and charged with high treason, however, a year later, the charges against her were withdrawn.

In 1959, Nyembe was elected President of the ANC Women’s League in Kwa-Zulu Natal. In the same year, she participated in the potato boycott, a protest against the use and treatment of prison labourers on potato farms in the Transvaal, now northern region of South Africa.

When the ANC was banned in 1960, Nyembe was recruited by Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), during this time, she worked closely with Chief Albert Luthuli, Moses Mabhida, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo. A year later, she became President of the Natal Rural Areas Committee where Nyembe participated in the organisation of anti-government demonstrations by rural women- the campaign became known as the Natal Women’s Revolt. In 1963, she was arrested and charged with furthering the aims of the banned ANC and she was sentenced to three years imprisonment. She was released in 1966; but she was banned for five years, this restricted her movement to Durban. Nyembe, nonetheless, continued with her underground activities, which ultimately lead to her detainment in 1968. She was charged on five counts under the Suppression of Communism Act. In 1969, Nyembe was found guilty of harbouring MK members and was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. These years in prison were spent in prisons for women at Barberton in the eastern Transvaal, and then at Kroonstad in the Orange Free State, far from her family. Her prison work involved washing the clothes of male convicts.

On 23 March 1984, Nyembe was released and soon after she became active in the Natal Organisation of Women (NOW), a community organisation fighting against rent increases, transport costs, poor education and lack of child care facilities. When apartheid ended and South Africa became a democracy, Nyembe was elected as a member of the National Assembly in Parliament.

On 17 December 1998, Nyembe passed on; this was said of her, "She will rest in peace for she died a day after our heroes whose remains lie strewn along the sacred Ncome River were finally recognised and honoured. She will rest in peace for she knows that the struggle continues and must continue for her colleagues.”

For her strength and sacrifice, Nyembe was awarded the Soviet Union’s greatest awards, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) People’s Friendship Award. In 1992 she was awarded the Chief Albert Luthuli prize for her commitment and dedication to the liberation struggle. Various public spaces; for instance, a park, streets are named after Nyembe in her honour.

Sources:

http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/obituary-dorothy-nyembe-1047062.html

http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/dorothy-nomzansi-nyembe

Dorothy Nyembe Dorothy Nomzansi Nyembe was born on 31 December 1931 near Dundee in northern Kwa- Zulu Natal in South Africa. She at...

Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu

Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was born in Pretoria on the 10^th of July, 1956. He was the second son of Martha Mahlangu, a domestic worker. His father left his family, and Mahlangu saw him infrequently. Consequently, Mahlangu’s mother was solely responsible for raising Mahlangu and his siblings.

Mahlangu’s anti-apartheid activism started when he was a student at Mamelodi High School. During that time, protests against Bantu Education were ongoing throughout South Africa, and as a result the school closed down and Mahlangu did not complete the 10^th grade. After being recruited by Thomas Masuku, Mahlangu joined the protests in Mamelodi.

Shortly after the 1976 Soweto Uprising, Mahlangu left South Africa to join the African National Congress (ANC), to be trained as an Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) cadre. He was part of a new generation of MK named the June 16 Detachment, which mainly consisted of individuals who were part of the student protests. Mahlangu travelled with Temba Nkosi and Richard Chauke to Angola. On their way to Angola, they spent six months at Xai Xai Refugee Cape in Mozambique; thereafter, they were taken to an ANC training facility called Engineering in Angola. At Engineering, Mahlangu joined a unit of ten men under Julius Mokoena, and amongst the ten were George ‘Lucky’ Mahlangu and Mondy Motloung. The unit underwent courses in sabotage, military combat, scouting and political education.

When Mahlangu left South Africa, he did not inform his family. He left a letter under his brother’s pillow that read: “Boet Lucas, Boet Lucas, don’t look for me, I have left and you’ll never find me.” His family assumed he was selling goods on trains and had settled in Pietersberg. Nkosi’s father later on informed Mahlangu’s family that their son had left the country to join the ANC in exile.

In 1977, Mahlangu’s unit left Angola for South Africa, with the aim of joining the student protests commemorating the one year anniversary of the 1976 Soweto Uprising. Mahlangu travelled with Lucky Mahlangu and Motloung to South Africa via Mozambique and Swaziland. On 13 June, and in South Africa; Mahlangu, Lucky Mahlangu and Motloung made their way to Diagonal Street Taxi Rank in Johannesburg, where they planned to catch a taxi to Soweto. However, a black policeman on patrol noticed three men entering a taxi with large bags. The policeman approached them, asked to see what they have with them and grabbed a bag which opened to reveal a hand grenade and an AK-47. The policeman ran for cover, and the three men fled from the taxi. Lucky Mahlangu ran in the direction of Park Station, and managed to escape; on the other hand, Mahlangu and Motloung ran in the direction of Fordsburg towards John Vorster Square where infamous police station in the country was situated. Whilst running in the direction of Fordsburg, Motloung was involved in a scuffle with an off-duty policeman. He succeeded in freeing himself, but the policeman shot at the running men and hit Mahlangu in the ankle. Mahlangu, running ahead of Motloung, sought cover in John Orr’s warehouse. Upon entering, Motloung fired shots and killed two John Orr’s employees.

Mahlangu and Mothloung were beaten by bystanders, and afterwards, the police arrested the two men. They were detained at John Vorster Square under the 90 Day Detention Law; and while there, the two men were brutally beaten. When the trial started, Motloung was so badly beaten that he sustained severe brain damage, and was deemed unfit to stand trial.

Mahlangu’s trial commenced on 7 November 1977, and he was charged with two counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder and several charges of sabotage under the Terrorism Act. Mahlangu pleaded not guilty to all charges, but, on 2 March 1978, he was found guilty by the State and sentenced to death. Mahlangu should have been sentenced to five years imprisonment for his acts, since it was Motloung who committed murder. The State, on the other hand, argued that under Common Purpose Law, Mahlangu shared intent with Motloung and Lucky Mahlangu, and therefore, he should face the same consequences regardless of whether they carried out the same acts or knew of each other’s intent.

While awaiting the death penalty in Pretoria Central, Mahlangu attempted to appeal his sentence. He was, however, turned down on 15 June 1978 by the Rand Supreme Court and on 24 July by the Bloemfontein Appeal Court. At the same time; the United Nations; various governments; prominent individuals; and international and local organisations and groups attempted to intercede on Mahlangu’s behalf. Their efforts, however, did not work.

On 6 April 1979, Mahlangu, at the age of 20, was hanged at the Pretoria Central Prison. In an apparent defiance of Prime Minister PW Botha, Mahlangu’s last message before he was executed was, “My blood will nourish the tree that will bear the fruits of freedom. Tell my people that I love them. They must continue the fight. A luta continua.”

Fearing that there might be protests at the funeral, the police buried Mahlangu in Atteridgeville. Their attempt was in vain, as protests and appeals in South Africa and the rest of the world continued and heightened.

The late ANC President OR Tambo, delivering a speech in Asia called the spirit of Bundung said of Mahlangu: “In his brief but full life Solomon Mahlangu towered like a colossus, unbroken and unbreakable, over the fascist lair. He, on whom our people have bestowed accolades worthy of the hero-combatant that he is, has been hanged in Pretoria like a common murderer. Alone the hangmen buried Solomon, bound by a forbidding oath that his grave shall remain forever a secret, because, in his death the spirit of Solomon Mahlangu towers still like a colossus, unbroken and unbreakable, over the fascist lair.”

On 6 April 1993, Mahlangu’s body was reinterred at the Mamelodi Cemetery, and recently, Mahlangu has been honoured. A statue of him stands in Mamelodi, and there is Solomon Mahlangu Freedom Square in Mamelodi too. A school in South Africa and a college in Tanzania is named after Mahlangu; and in 2005, he was posthumously awarded the “The Order of Mendi for Bravery in Gold for his bravery and sacrificing his life for freedom and democracy in South Africa.” A film named Kalushi: The Story of Solomon Mahlangu, based on his life, was released in South Africa this year.

Most recently, higher education students from across South Africa have found strength and inspiration in Mahlangu. During the decolonisation project, and more specifically in the #FeesMustFall movement, the struggle song, Solomon Mahlangu, has been adopted as the unofficial anthem of the movement. It continues to be sung today, as students fight for the decolonisation of universities across South Africa, and on 7 April 2016, Wits University management agreed to name its administrative building, Senate House, to Solomon Mahlangu House. This, among other notable achievements accomplished by students, has been seen as a step closer to decolonising higher education.

Remembering her son, Martha Mahlangu, whom she only saw after his trial, said this about him: “My son had aspirations of becoming a school teacher. He was very conscientious and humble. He stood firm and unshaken in his beliefs. Now, in my old age, I miss him even more.”

Sources: 

http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=4496

http://www.enca.com/life/solomon-mahlangu-film-showcase-film-festival

http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/solomon-kalushi-mahlangu

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solomon_Mahlangu

Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was born in Pretoria on the 10 th of July, 1956. He was the second son of Martha ...

In South Africa, Freedom Day is celebrated on the 27^th of April of each year. In honour of the many heroes and heroines that contributed to our freedom and political dispensation, the theme for this month’s Friday Feature covers four anti-apartheid activists who, in some way or another, contributed to South Africa’s freedom. This week, we cover Moses Mauane Kotane.

Moses Mauane Kotane was born in Tamposstad, Maphusumaneng Section, in Rustenburg in Transvaal (now North West) in 1905 on the 9^th of August. He was raised in a Christian household of Tswana origins.

Growing up, Kotane received little formal schooling before entering the workforce; however he was an avid reader and taught himself in various subjects. At the age of 17, Kotane began working in Krugersdorp, there he worked as a photographer's assistant, domestic servant, miner, and bakery worker. Around the same time, he also enrolled in the Communist-run night school in Ferreirastown, Johannesburg, where he became known for his ability to master the most complex writings.

Six years later, in 1928, Kotane joined the African National Congress (ANC) but left the party, considering it weak and ineffective. Later that year, Kotane joined the African Bakers Union, an affiliate of the Federation of Non-European Trade Unions then being formed by the South African Communist Party (SACP). A year later, in 1929, Kotane joined the SACP, soon becoming a member of the party’s politburo and vice-chairman. Three years later, in 1931, Koatne became a full time functionary of SACP.

Within the Communist Party, Kotane worked on Umsebenzi, the party's newspaper. As a promising young party member, Kotane was sent to Moscow to study Marxism-Leninism at the International Lenin School for a year. In Moscow, Kotane studied under Endre Sík, a Marxist theorists and 1967 recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize,

Kotane returned to South Africa in 1933, and over the coming years he advanced through the SACP ranks to the point where he became the Party's General Secretary in 1939. Kotane held his post as general secretary until the Party was banned.

In 1943 he was invited by A.B. Xuma, then president-general of the ANC, to serve on the Atlantic Charter committee that drew up African Claims, and in 1946 he was elected to the ANC National Executive Committee, a position he held until bans forced his resignation in 1952. Following the 1946 mine strike, Kotane was subjected with other leaders of the Communist Party to two years of futile legal proceedings, while the apartheid government tried to demonstrate its determination to deal with the "Red Menace," as the Party was referred to. As in the late Treason Trial, when Kotane was also a defendant, the government eventually failed to make its case, although in the meantime the burdens on the accused were heavy.

When the Party was banned in 1950, Kotane moved from Cape Town, which had been the Party's headquarters, to Johannesburg, where he opened a furniture business in Alexandra Township. He was one of the first to be banned under the Suppression of Communism Act, but he ignored his bans to speak in support of the Defiance Campaign. In June 1952, Kotane was arrested with one of the first batches of defiers. Occasionally critical of cautious leadership in the ANC, he did not hesitate to thrust himself forward as an example of militancy. In December 1952 he was tried with other leaders of the Defiance Campaign and given a nine-month suspended sentence.

In 1955, he attended the Bandung conference of Third World leaders as an observer and remained abroad for the better part of the year, travelling widely in Asia and Eastern Europe. It was in 1956, that Kotane was charged with treason alongside fellow South African leaders Nelson Mandela, Joe Modise, Albert Luthuli, Joe Slovo, Walter Sisulu and 151 other anti-apartheid activists. Kotane remained a defendant in the Treason Trial until the charges against him were dropped in November 1958. During the 1960 state of emergency he was detained for four months; and in late 1962, he was placed under 24-hour house arrest.

In early 1963, Kotane left South Africa for Tanzania, where he became the Treasurer-General of the ANC in exile; he held this position until 1973. In the elections held in Tanzania in April 1969, he was returned to the National Executive Committee; however, Kotane later suffered a stroke and went for treatment to Moscow, where he remained until his death in 1978 on the 19^th of May.

On the 1 March 2015, Moses Kotane's remains were returned to South Africa and he will be reburied on 14 March at Pella, North West.

Kotane was a well-respected member of the struggle for majority rule in South Africa by even non-communist leaders Walter Sisulu credited him as a "giant of the struggle" because of his logical and non-dogmatic approach. Kotane combined his strong convictions as a Marxist with a commitment to the goals of nationalism and a firm belief in the importance of an African leadership and initiative in the struggle for equal rights. As he rose to leading positions in both the Communist Party and the ANC, his loyalty to one organisation did not appear to be subordinate to his loyalty to the other. Even staunch anti-communists in the ANC held him in high regard for his clear-headedness as a thinker and his courage and pragmatism as a leader.

He was honoured with the Isitwalandwe Medal by the ANC in 1975. A local municipality is named after him in North West Province, South Africa, and has a memorial lecture in his name.

Sources:

http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/moses-m-kotane

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moses_Kotane

In South Africa, Freedom Day is celebrated on the 27 th of April of each year. In honour of the many heroes and heroines that contrib...